Ce mémoire d'habilitation à diriger des recherches développe la proposition selon laquelle l'action publique contemporaine est soumise à l'épreuve d'une certaine fragilité normative. Plus précisément, il s'intéresse à la manière dont les agents font face à une certaine défection des cadres de leur action, en inventant, reconstruisant, fabriquant des supports cognitifs leur permettant d'appréhender la réalité et d'agir sur elle.

<p>This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.</p>

Researchers have failed to specify when crime and counter-normative actions, as opposed to other responses may occur as a consequence of relative deprivation. To clarify this issue, a mediational model was developed that specified the causal processes leading from the recognition of deprivation to crime and counter-normative actions. This model hypothesizes that the recognition of deprivation (cognitive relative deprivation) leads to feelings associated with this recognition (affective relative deprivation) which in turn leads to crime and counter-normative actions. This model applies to both personal and group deprivation. In both cases, the feelings associated with deprivation include anger, resentment, dissatisfaction, and discontent. Data from a sample of 950 males between the ages of 16 to 30 supported the mediational model. Moderator variables were hypothesized to influence the causal processes in the mediational model, and were thus employed to specify the conditions under which the recognition of deprivation became more likely to lead to intense emotional reactions, and the conditions under which these emotional reactions became more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions. Personal deprivation was found to lead to stronger emotional responses if persons were pessimistic about their deprivation being relieved in the future, while at the group level, higher levels of optimism were related to stronger emotional responses. Both types of deprivation also lead to stronger emotional responses when persons believe that financial success and wealth are important. The emotive responses for both personal and group deprivation, in turn, were more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions if deprived persons had criminal peers. It was also found that the recognition of personal deprivation was more likely to lead to depression and lower self-esteem if people blamed themselves for their deprivation than if they did not. Persons who were not optimistic that their deprivation would be relieved in the future were more depressed than persons who were optimistic. Persons whose in-group was deprived were more likely to have lower self-esteem if they blamed the in-group for its deprivation than if they did not.

Sentimentalism as an ethical view makes a particular claim about moral judgment: to judge that something is right/wrong is to have a sentiment/emotion of approbation/disapprobation, or some kind of positive/negative feeling, toward that thing. However, several sentimentalists have argued that moral judgments involve not only having a specific kind of feelings or emotional responses, but judging that one would be <em>justified</em> in having that feeling or emotional response. In the literature, some authors have taken up the former position because the empirical data on moral judgment seems to suggest that justification is not a necessary prerequisite for making a moral judgment. Even if this is true, however, I argue that justifying moral judgments is still an important philosophic endeavour, and that developing an empirically constrained account of how a person might go about justifying his feelings/emotional responses as reasons for rendering (normative) moral judgments by using a coherentist method of justification is both plausible and desirable.

After the attacks in Paris on November 13th 2015, the movement Anonymous has declared a cyber war to terrorist group ISIS that claimed responsibility for these attacks. According to Klein (2015) Anonymous has earlier been framed by the news media as malicious prankster, because their choice of targets did not align with western standards. However, ISIS can be seen as a common enemy of the West. As such, what is the effect of this newly chosen target on the representation of the movement in the media? Departing from this question, this thesis aims to research whether the attributes in use to represent Anonymous in the news media have normatively changed due to the taking on of a common western enemy. In fulfilling this aim, 21 articles published before and 21 articles published after the public declared war on ISIS on November 13th have been analysed based upon second level agenda setting theory. Focus is placed upon the attributes that describe Anonymous in the news media agenda and how these normatively evaluate the movement. In doing so, findings of this analysis present a change in the evaluation of the movement towards a more positive depiction.

Cet ouvrage a été rédigé en LaTeX, ce qui permet d'atteindre directement certaines sections, notes ou références bibliographiques par le biais des hyperliens. / Ce mémoire se veut une synthèse critique de la littérature portant sur la logique déontique. Le premier objectif est d'y présenter un aperçu historique de son origine et de son évolution. Cet objectif sera principalement atteint par le biais du chapitre 2 portant sur les paradoxes, lequel nous permettra non seulement de voir en réaction à quoi les principales approches se sont développées, mais nous donnera aussi une vue d'ensemble quant aux différents courants que l'on retrouve en logique déontique. En second lieu, cet ouvrage vise à fournir une synthèse de la littérature portant sur l'analyse formelle du discours normatif. Les chapitres 3, 4 et 5 offrent une synthèse des principaux courants qui cherchent à répondre à cet objectif, ce que l'on peut regrouper sous trois banières, à savoir les logiques monadiques, les logiques dyadiques et les logiques temporelles. Finalement, nous proposons une lecture critique de cette littérature. Cette critique, qui repose notamment sur la prémisse à savoir que la logique déontique se doit non pas de rendre compte de l'utilisation du discours normatif mais plutôt de sa structure, vise à montrer que les systèmes actuels ne parviennent pas à rendre compte adéquatement de certaines caractéristiques fondamentales au discours juridique. / In this essay we aim to provide a critical analysis of the literature regarding deontic logic. First of all, we wish to give a historical account of deontic logic's evolution, which will be done mainly by chapter 2. This chapter concerns the paradoxes of deontic logic and gives an overview of the usual systems and their origin. Our second objective is to provide a synthesis of the literature regarding the formal analysis of the normative discourse. The chapters 3, 4 and 5 give an account of the three principal ways which deal with deontic operators, that is the monadic deontic logic, the dyadic deontic logic and the temporal deontic logic. Finally, we propose a critical analysis of that literature and we show that these systems do not represent adequately some of the normative discourse's fundamental characteristics. We will accomplish this by providing an analysis of the legal discourse and show that the concept of obligation has some properties and behaves in a way that cannot be represented by the actual systems.

In the face of stagnation in efforts to tackle the global increase of greenhouse gas emissions, there is a great need to broaden our understanding of normative processes that maintain and change social norms in relation to environmentally (un)sustainable lifestyles. My research aims to address this gap in the literature by examining the normative processes associated with climate change. More specifically I focused on identifying the interpersonal costs and wider benefits (in terms of social change) associated with the interpersonal confrontation of environmental disregard. Firstly, to establish a meaningful point of comparison for subsequent studies, I compared the normative status of environmental disregard and racial prejudice (Studies 1 &amp; 2). I then moved on to examining perceptions and consequences of interpersonal confrontation of environmental disregard over the course of six studies by placing participants in the position of an observer of an interaction in which the confrontation occurred. The results consistently identified high social costs (reduced feelings of closeness and warmth) associated with confronting environmental disregard (but not racism). The costs of confronting environmental disregard were partly determined by the morality of the issue, the appropriateness of the confrontation, the pre-existing attitude of the observer and the justification used by the confronter for their reaction. My studies also tested different strategies to reduce the social costs for the confronter (such as invoking morality in different ways) and also assessed the consequences of confrontation for changes in perceptions of social norms, climate change attitudes and behavioural tendencies amongst those bearing witness. In relation to the consequences for behavioural tendencies resulting from interpersonal confrontation, the findings suggest that confrontation of environmental disregard encourages pro-environmental action tendencies if a scientific justification for the confrontation is provided. The final chapter of the thesis explores the theoretical and practical implications of these findings in relation to engendering processes of social change.

1 Morality and law For the most of us it is quite clear what law is. Most of us have certain idea what law represents. A lot of us may have a different idea, it is because of many elements which affect our law perception. On the most basic level, law is something which is connected to specific values in society. Based on this idea we can certainly say that law is something which guarantees balance in society and system which provides safety. On the other hand, morality is a subject of a discipline called ethics. This subject represents a system which provides and protects distinctive values which have different normative quality. This system is formed by high amount of appropriate rules of behavior and its way to realize this behavior. In the past, the connection between these two systems was very important, it was a noticeable fact that these two systems cooperate and communicate. Even though nowadays these systems are more and more divided, they still interact. In the law of Czech Republic the connection between morality and law can be observed especially in the good manners. Good manners are intentions which are projected throughout the whole law system. The main goal of good manners and morality is to fill the gaps in the law. Another important goal is also to straighten the perception of justice in the...

Academic performance of first year university students in the international arena as well as locally, has been a point of concern for all stakeholders because of high dropout rates and failure. Although many explanations for this have been offered and accepted, all have located the problem external to the individual. This study examined the interplay between interpersonal and intrapersonal factors on academic performance of first year university students in South Africa. A sociocognitive perspective was employed by an investigation of student identity processing styles as a means to explain academic performance. A mixed sample of 419 first year psychology students at a South African university was randomly chosen. Berzonsky’s Identity Style Inventory (ISI3) was used to categorise students’ identity processing styles which was then correlated to students’ mid-year examination results. Although similar research was conducted overseas, the findings of the present study did not match previous results. Unlike any other known study the correlation between normative processing style and academic performance of first year university students was statistically significant but was negative. There was significant difference only between informational and normative identity processing styles on academic performance and between informational and diffuse-avoidant processing styles on academic performance. It was found in this study that culture and race played a role in student identity processing styles and in turn influenced student academic performance in the first year of university. A discussion of results, educational implications of findings, limitations of the study and recommendations for future research are included at the end of this study.

The role of the European Union (EU) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was strengthened in 2011, when the mandate of the EU Special Representative was transferred from the High Representative of the International Community, to the Head of the EU Delegation in BiH. The EU thus assumed a leading role within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a state-builder and as democratiser. The EU’s growing prominence puts on it even more responsibility for the future of democratisation in BiH, but it continues to suffer from inconsistencies between its principles and actions, weak legitimacy, and a lack of credibility. Although I subscribe to Ian Manners’ concept of the EU normative power, I argue that the EU does not act as normative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This thesis argues that the EU is a normative power in principle, but not in practice, and provides a critique of the EU’s role in promoting and strengthening democracy in BiH. I attribute the exceptionalism of BiH to a restrictive context that is saturated with ethnic nationalism, which permeates all aspects of political life, including constitutional structures, institutions, decision-making, political parties, their policies and rhetoric. I argue that in this post-conflict society in which democracy has not consolidated, the promotion of EU norms is hampered by elite agency, an unfavourable context, and the exiting norms and values that are incompatible with EU norms. Based on my findings about the quality of democracy in BiH, I label it an eclectically unconsolidated democracy, which contains many features of different types of unsuccessful democracies. I argue that the legitimacy, identity, and effectiveness of the EU normative power have been compromised and weakened in the context of an unconsolidated democracy. The case of BiH is exceptional, which the EU fails to recognise, and it falsely applies a ‘cookie-cutter approach’ that treats it as any other aspiring democracy and potential member state. Rather than having a distinct international identity (Manners & Whitman, 1998), the EU suffers from a ‘confused international identity’, which is a consequence of many discrepancies in the way in which various EU actors see their own role in BiH, and how they see the role of the EU. My intention is not to dismiss some aspects of EU normative power, but rather to enrich a debate by providing an alternative perspective. For that purpose, I apply a tailor-made framework of analysis which assesses the level of normative transformation under EU democratisation in the case of two dimensions of democratic quality: equality and trust.