Since the beginning of the nuclear era, starting during the 1940s, large amount of radioactivity has been released into the environment. This thesis deals with the temporal and spatial distribution of the anthropogenic radioisotope 129I (T1/2= 15.7 Myr) in northern Europe. A routine sample preparation procedure for extraction of iodine from milligram amounts of solid materials has been developed and aimed for measuring the 129I concentration by the ultra-sensitive accelerator mass spectrometry method. The technique was further used for the analysis of 129I in sediments collected from two lakes in Sweden and one lake in Finland as well as sediments from two sites in the Baltic Sea. In addition, 129I concentrations in aerosol samples from northern and southern Sweden covering the period 1983 to 2000 have been measured. The results reveal a gradual increase in the anthropogenic 129I fluxes since the 1950s that are linked to emissions from the nuclear fuel reprocessing facilities in Sellafield (UK) and La Hague (France). A sharp increase coinciding with the Chernobyl accident is identified from the Swedish lakes located in areas characterised by relatively high Chernobyl fallout. Numerical modeling of the 129I deposition predicts that >50% of the flux to the lake sediments is related to the liquid emissions from the reprocessing facilities. The modeling also reasonably simulates the contribution of the Chernobyl event to the total 129I flux. The novel time series from northern Europe on 129I in aerosols show about one order of magnitude higher concentration in northern compared to southern Sweden. Estimate of 129I dry fallout based on the aerosol data suggests <25% contribution to the total fallout. The distribution of 129I in the sediment archives demonstrates the potential of the isotope as a new time marker for chronological and environmental investigations.

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-119).

No description available.

本論文名稱為「核子武器與國家安全」（以中華民國作個案研究），望文生義，主要 重點乃強調核子武器與國家安全之間的可能關聯。及核子武器所導致各種可能的利與 不利之因素，其中尤為強調嚇阻理論與國家安全的關聯性。同時，並以當前我國的國 家安全處境，作為個案的研究。嘗試分析。評估中華民國如果發展核子武器，對我國 的國家安全的增加，有多少助益，且可能會產生何種不利影響。 全文共分六章，十七節，第一章導論，說明研究的動機與方法。第二章以敘述軍事力 量在國際社會中所扮演的角色為主。第三章則介紹嚇阻理論，及嚇阻所必備的幾項因 素。第四章中華民國的核武選擇，從中共與我國對峙的情形，說明我國是否有發展核 武器的需要。第五章則是從嚇阻的觀點與國家戰略（利益）的角度，評估我國核武器 選擇的各種利弊。第六章結論。

Since the end of World War II the United States has grown and maintained a stockpile of nuclear weapons in the interest of preserving world peace, and with the specific intent to provide unparalleled national security to its citizens. It was a commonly held view during this time that a large diverse stockpile was a fundamental key to national security. However, in today’s ever-changing environment, Los Alamos National Laboratory finds itself with an infrastructure unable to quickly adapt to new national security needs and threats. Burdened by the management of a Cold-War-era stockpile, nuclear operations at Los Alamos will benefit from a reduced stockpile initiative. Contrary to previously held beliefs, Los Alamos can be the prime beneficiary to such an approach, and use such a monumental shift in strategy to modernize infrastructure, revitalize critical staff, and effectively manage critical materials and facilities while simultaneously reducing waste and environmental impacts to better support national security needs. / text

Este trabalho objetiva desenvolver uma análise política da política externa brasileira, especificamente durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando a questão da adesão do Brasil ao Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares - o TNP - suas causas e conseqüências. O tema em questão foi escolhido por sua relevância, levando-se em conta o papel desempenhado pela política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento nacional. No entanto, o Brasil tem enfrentado, desde o começo da década de 1990, novos padrões de relações internacionais. Assim, a abordagem clássica da diplomacia, relacionada com a guerra e a paz, tem crescentemente dado lugar à economia. A opção por um projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento para o país, como resultado do fim da Guerra Fria, levou a mudanças profundas na política externa brasileira. Dessa maneira, a assinatura e ratificação do referido Tratado, entre os anos de 1997 e 1998, caracterizou uma histórica ruptura com a política externa do país nas suas dimensãoes políticas e de segurança.

Este trabalho objetiva desenvolver uma análise política da política externa brasileira, especificamente durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando a questão da adesão do Brasil ao Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares - o TNP - suas causas e conseqüências. O tema em questão foi escolhido por sua relevância, levando-se em conta o papel desempenhado pela política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento nacional. No entanto, o Brasil tem enfrentado, desde o começo da década de 1990, novos padrões de relações internacionais. Assim, a abordagem clássica da diplomacia, relacionada com a guerra e a paz, tem crescentemente dado lugar à economia. A opção por um projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento para o país, como resultado do fim da Guerra Fria, levou a mudanças profundas na política externa brasileira. Dessa maneira, a assinatura e ratificação do referido Tratado, entre os anos de 1997 e 1998, caracterizou uma histórica ruptura com a política externa do país nas suas dimensãoes políticas e de segurança.

Este trabalho objetiva desenvolver uma análise política da política externa brasileira, especificamente durante o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando a questão da adesão do Brasil ao Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares - o TNP - suas causas e conseqüências. O tema em questão foi escolhido por sua relevância, levando-se em conta o papel desempenhado pela política externa brasileira no desenvolvimento nacional. No entanto, o Brasil tem enfrentado, desde o começo da década de 1990, novos padrões de relações internacionais. Assim, a abordagem clássica da diplomacia, relacionada com a guerra e a paz, tem crescentemente dado lugar à economia. A opção por um projeto alternativo de desenvolvimento para o país, como resultado do fim da Guerra Fria, levou a mudanças profundas na política externa brasileira. Dessa maneira, a assinatura e ratificação do referido Tratado, entre os anos de 1997 e 1998, caracterizou uma histórica ruptura com a política externa do país nas suas dimensãoes políticas e de segurança.

This Master thesis compares the reactions of the neighbouring countries to first nuclear tests carried out by their neighbour. It deals with first nuclear tests of eight countries (USA, Soviet Union, United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan and North Korea) and with the reactions of states that are or were at the time of the first nuclear test neighbours of concerned country. In the end, forty-seven reactions of neighbouring countries were examined in this thesis. The author relies to a large extent on qualitative research when she compares individual reactions of the countries and creates eight case studies, each focused on one nuclear state. The main output of this thesis is a clear and well-arranged typology of countries' reactions to the first nuclear test carried out in the state right across their borders. The types of reactions that have been identified in this thesis vary all the way from active support and passive coming to terms with the situations, through neutral reaction all the way to passive disapproval and active rejection. This typology can then in the future contribute to a better predictability of the neighbours' reactions and therefore also to a better assessment of how such event might affect the stability of the region.

La fin de la confrontation Est-ouest va apparaître comme un tournant décisif dans la lutte contre la prolifération des armes nucléaires. Alors que le monde se réjouissait de la chute du mur de Berlin, le contexte qui va succéder à cette période est marqué par la poursuite, et même l’aggravation de plusieurs crises graves liées à la prolifération nucléaire en Inde, au Pakistan, en Iran et en Corée du Nord. Ces crises, intervenues alors même que la totalité des armes nucléaires à l’échelle mondiale avait été réduite de plus d’un quart depuis la fin de la guerre froide, ont fait l’objet d’une réaction mitigée de la part de la « communauté internationale ». Ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer le régime de non-prolifération nucléaire en apportant des réponses promptes, crédibles et dynamiques. Alors que des doutes sont apparus sur la capacité du régime classique à décourager ceux qui souhaitent développer des activités nucléaires à des fins autres que pacifiques, la nécessité d’envisager des outils modernes et adaptées au contexte géopolitique en pleine mutations, s’est révélée indispensable. Cela suppose un réaménagement du régime classique de non-prolifération dans la perspective de renforcer la légitimité de la norme de non-prolifération. De surcroît, ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer les mécanismes de mise en œuvre du Traité de non-prolifération nucléaire (TNP). Il s’agira d’assurer l’application universelle des accords de garanties de l’AIEA, qui est une obligation du TNP, ainsi que par l’universalisation du protocole additionnel / The end of the East-West confrontation appeared to be a watershed in the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. While the world was celebrating the fall of the Berlin wall, the context that will succeed this time is marked by the continuity and the aggravation of several serious crises linked to nuclear proliferation in India, Pakistan, Iran and North-Korea. These crises occurred even though all nuclear weapons were globally reduced by more than a quarter since the end of the cold war, have been a mixed reaction from the " International community ". These crises show that it is essential to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation system by providing prompt, credible and dynamic responses. While doubts have been raised about the ability of the classical regime to discourage those who wish to develop nuclear activities for other than peaceful purposes, the need to consider appropriate modern tools to change rapidly geopolitical context seemed to be essential. This implies a rearrangement of the classic nuclear non-proliferation system with a view to strengthen the legitimacy of the norm of non-proliferation. In addition, these crises show that it is essential to strengthen the mechanisms for implementation of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). The application of an additional protocol, coupled with the implementation of a comprehensive safeguards agreement, is indeed essential to obtain full insurance compliance with non-proliferation commitments and is the current standard to allow the agency (IAEA) to fulfill its mission