Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-06-14T14:04:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2938963 bytes, checksum: df5cc2d2b97730419557a52f0701301d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-14T14:04:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2938963 bytes, checksum: df5cc2d2b97730419557a52f0701301d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-25 / This thesis aims to investigate the discursive practices regarding to the work of public image production at the scope of irruption of the discursive event and at the building up of the image spectacle. With French Discourse Analysis as theoretical basis, this research turns to the media operation about the sayings, and their effects, at the discursivization of the presidential election event in the United States, in 2008 and 2012. Having a qualitative dimension and based on the Foucaultean arqueogenealogic method, this is an investigation about the regime of truth and the discursive police that makes the president Barack Obama subjective, and assuring him a space of public visibility at the scope of public image spectacle. Proposing to deal with the tense relationship between power and knowledge, this research turns to the Foucault’s studies considering, at work of image production, the empire of an intentioned media that calls the subject to assume discursive positions, affects the everyday life, produces truth and fabricates the history of the present time. With a bibliographic incursion that brings to bear a discussion about discourse, media and politics – according to the studies from, among others, Foucault (2005, 2006, 2007, 2008a), Pêcheux (1997b, 2008, 2009), Courtine (2003, 2009, 2011), Debord (2002), Gomes (2004) and Silverstone (2005) – it comes to the analysis of sayings about Obama – digital articles from The New York Times and Folha de São Paulo and even covers of Brazilian and international magazines – considering the thematic path of the president politic image oscillation at the 2008 and 2012 elections. Then, this thesis proposes that at the discursivization of American presidential election, the media worked in a strategic way establishing knowledge/power relations and requiring subject-position occupation by building up visibility spectacle and virtualization of reality. Through the control illusion of the sayings and its respective meaning effects, the mass media presented Obama to the world according to different regimes of truth, which made him oscillate from a divine messiah to a global martyrdom, from the worldwide expectations to a dream seller. / Esta tese objetiva investigar as práticas discursivas que se atrelam ao trabalho de produção de imagem pública no espaço da irrupção do acontecimento discursivo e na edificação do espetáculo de imagens. Tendo como respaldo teórico a Análise do Discurso de tradição francesa, essa pesquisa se volta para o funcionamento midiático em torno do dizer, e de seus efeitos, na discursivização do acontecimento de sucessão presidencial nos Estados Unidos, em 2008 e 2012. Trata-se de investigar, numa inscrição qualitativa e a partir do método arqueogenealógico de Michel Foucault, os regimes de verdade e a polícia discursiva que subjetivaram o presidente Barack Obama, assegurando-o um espaço de visibilidade no cerne do espetáculo de imagem pública. Propondo tratar da tensa relação entre poder e saber, a pesquisa se volta para os estudos foucaultianos, por considerar, no trabalho de produção imagética, o império de uma mídia de miras que convoca o sujeito a assumir posições discursivas, mexe com a cotidianidade da vida coletiva, produz verdade e fabrica a história do tempo presente. Com a incursão bibliográfica que mobiliza a discussão sobre discurso, mídia e política – a partir dos estudos, dentre outros, de Foucault (2005, 2006, 2007, 2008a), Pêcheux (1997b, 2008, 2009), Courtine (2003, 2009, 2011), Debord (2002), Gomes (2004), Silverstone (2005) – volta-se para a análise do arquivo das dizibilidades sobre Obama – artigos da versão digital dos jornais The New York Times e Folha de São Paulo, além de capas de revistas brasileiras e internacionais – sob o trajeto temático da oscilação da imagem política do então presidente nos pleitos eleitorais de 2008 e 2012. Assim, a tese propõe que na discursivização do evento da eleição presidencial americana, a mídia operou de forma estratégica mobilizando relações de poder-saber e exigindo a ocupação de posições-sujeito pela fabricação de um espetáculo de visibilidade e virtualização do real. Pela ilusão de controle do dizer e de seus efeitos de sentido, a mídia apresentou Obama ao mundo sob diferentes regimes de verdade que o fizeram oscilar do messias divino ao martírio global, da esperança do mundo ao vendedor de sonhos.

This behavioral study examines the users’ engagement on social networking[ sites (SNS) in electoral races for public office in relation to their act of voting. This study was based on the premise that when certain criteria are met then SNS can be used as a predictive tool. The initial technique used was observations of the tools/functions on SNSs such as the “Like” button, favorable comments, retweets, friends/followers. Another technique used was surveys administered to individuals at political rallies, political debates, and college campuses to further analyze if their online engagement in politics translates to their physical participation. A quantitative case study analysis approach was used to analyze data gathered. Results of the data collected suggest that there is a positive relationship between online engagement and physical participation. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggests that SNS can be used as a predictive tool when examining electoral races for public offices.

Rhetorical skills are a very important part of political discourse. Being able to persuade an audience in a speech is central for politicians. This study aims to investigate how the personal pronouns I, you, we and they are used strategically in Barack Obama’s speeches. Previous research suggests that certain personal pronouns can enable politicians to take on different identities, which in turn gives them an opportunity to distance themselves from problematic issues and also invoke specific ideological ideas on their audience.  The study analyzes personal pronouns by the means of the co-text and the broader social context. It is found that I, you and we are used both to enhance the ‘self’ and portray the opposition in a negative way, while they focused on portraying the opposition negatively. However, the fact that politicians have speechwriters can be problematic when drawing conclusions of the pronominal choice.

Il presente lavoro di ricerca indaga i rapporti tra la disciplina delle Relazioni Internazionali (RI) e la tradizione filosofica americana del Pragmatismo (PP), focalizzandosi sui possibili contributi che quest’ultimo può fornire alle RI, guardando sia allo sviluppo del dibattito paradigmatico della disciplina sia alla dimensione delle politiche. In particolare, dopo aver fornito un quadro generale dei principi fondamentali del pragmatismo e averne evidenziato la positiva influenza sullo sviluppo della disciplina delle Relazioni Internazionali, il lavoro di ricerca si concentra sul tema del pragmatismo applicato alla dimensione della politica estera, qui concepita come sottolivello delle RI multifattoriale, multidisciplinare e nel quale l’agente/attore specifico assume un ruolo centrale. In linea con questa impostazione, la ricerca si concentra sull’elaborazione della politica estera del 44° Presidente americano, Barack Obama, mettendone in luce gli explanans, la cui applicazione viene poi testata nell’ambito di due casi-studio particolari: le relazioni degli Stati Uniti con Cuba, da un lato, e Israele, dall’altro. Attraverso l’analisi della letteratura esistente, in gran parte piuttosto recente, di documenti ufficiali rilasciati dall’Amministrazione Obama e dai discorsi ufficiali del Presidente stesso, il lavoro mira a dimostrare l’effettiva importanza del Pragmatismo sia per gli studiosi delle RI che per i policy-makers. / This research work aims at addressing the relations between the discipline of International Relations (IR) and the American philosophical tradition of Pragmatism (PP), investigating the possible contributions PP can provide IR with, both at a theoretical and a policy level. In particular, once given an overview of the basic principles of PP and the positive inputs it can provide to the discipline of the IR, the research work addresses the issue of whether pragmatism can direct and explain the formulation of a foreign policy (FP) – conceived as the sublevel of IR which is actor-specific, agent-oriented, multifactorial, multilevel, and multidisciplinary. In order to do so, an interpretative actor perspective is adopted, and the foreign policy of former U.S. President Barack Obama is analyzed, focusing on the explanans of his foreign policy making and vision. Their application is then tested on two case-studies: U.S.-Cuba relations and U.S.-Israel relations, in the timeframe of the Obama Presidency. Through the analysis of the existing literature – some of which quite recent, official documents released by the Obama Administrations and speeches given by the President, the research work tries to demonstrate that PP can indeed constitute a useful tool-kit for both IR scholars and policy-makers.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze whether there are any differences in how the two American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama have formed their foreign policy, in regards to North Korea. In order to carry out my analysis I have gathered relevant material from public statements made by Presidents Clinton and Obama, as well as their respective Secretaries of Defense. My theoretical framework consists of constructivism, and of doctrine. The material is then presented and illustrated with the help of word clouds. The conclusions I have been able to reach show that there were different foreign policy doctrines between Presidents Clinton and Obama. President Clinton’s administration was more focused on preventing North Korea from becoming a nuclear state, whereas the administration of President Obama needed to prevent the North Koreans from using their nuclear arsenal.

No description available.

In 2012, President Barack Obama used prosecutorial discretion to initiate the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program that deferred deportation and provided employment authorization for a two-year renewable period to undocumented immigrant persons that came to the U.S. as children. Under former President Donald Trump’s administration, DACA was rescinded in 2017. A review of the literature suggests this is the only study to explore the perceived impact of a policy shift in DACA status, given the critical time of interviews conducted from April 2016 to October 2018. Thus, substantially advancing the literature, qualitative data on a diverse group (N=10) of young adult DACA beneficiaries revealed positive and negative impacts. The sample included 60% currently gainfully employed, 40% attending college—while 80% had experienced emotional distress by having an unauthorized legal status and facing obstacles to pursuing higher education. Of note, 40% rated themselves as currently relatively healthy, while 60% indicated having experienced a decline in their physical or mental health since entering the United States. As significant sources of stress, 90% had experienced anxiety centered around having to wait to renew their DACA status and having to pay for their status renewals. Given the rescinding of the DACA program in 2017, many were ill-prepared, as 90% had never experienced being undocumented without a DACA status as an adult in the United States. The main body of qualitative data generated six categories that encompassed 51 emergent themes: 1-Participants’ health trajectory across their lifespan; 2-Participants’ experiences of barriers to seeking care and having their health and mental health needs addressed; 3-Participants Living at the Intersection of Contemporary Immigration; 4-The impact of other family members’ immigration status; 5-From enjoying benefits of the DACA program, to having a false sense of normalcy, to feeling ambivalence, and experiencing detriments; and, 6-Potential DACA policy shifts and anticipated impacts ranging from negative (fear, loss, suffering) to positive (relief). These six broad categories suggest how, despite the benefits of their DACA status, substantial barriers and sources of anxiety and stress still impacted the lives of the young adults and their families. Implications of the findings are discussed.

This diploma thesis deals with the topic of the U. S. Peace Corps and its possible areas of improvement in the third millennium. The aim of the thesis is to research available documents and to determine and analyze possible areas of improvement during the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The thesis focuses on African continent with regards to the Peace Corps presence in individual host countries. The main research questions of this thesis are: "What are the possible areas of improvement within the U. S. Peace Corps organization in the third millennium?", and "Is the agency and the political debates concerning the reforms of the agency reflecting experiences and feedback of the volunteers?" The answers to these questions are sought with the help of research in documents as well as with the help of the analysis of author's one hundred collected surveys from current and former volunteers. Moreover, the areas of the Peace Corps training, recruitment, and support of the volunteers are researched in this thesis alongside with the Washington bureaucracy, mission of the agency, safety and security of the volunteers, sexual assault response, and whistleblower reforms. There are four chapters in the thesis and several subchapters. The first chapter elaborates on the origins of the Peace...

This thesis submits broader understanding of George W. Bush and Barack Obama presidencies in terms of their Middle Eastern policy, in particular the issue of Iranian nuclear policy. The main interest lies in an intention to conclude, which particular circumstances led the American governments to rethink their position towards the Iranian nuclear program, bearing in mind changes which took place in security, economic and foreign policy interests of the United States. The first chapter describes the theoretical framework upon which the entire thesis is based upon. The second chapter provides a short review on the MENA region, describing the most visible factors and issues form the very last years of the second administration of Barack Obama. The third chapter is based upon the research of the Iranian position in the MENA region, its potential, and what possibilities the U.S. government posses in order to contain Iran from spreading its influence. The next chapter deals with an issue of nuclear terrorism and its connections towards Iran, evaluation of possible nuclear terrorist menace and possibilities of so called "Dirty Bombs" usage. The fifth chapter is based upon the research of the first presidency of George W. Bush and the policies which were implemented after the terrorist attacks on 11...

Topics associated with the United States' foreign policy towards the European Union have become increasingly intense in expert discussions since the turn of the millennium. This is due to several factors, primarily including the strength of the two clusters, on two shores of the Atlantic ocean. The work on the topic of transatlantic relations is divided into four chapters, where the first chapter deals with the theory of regionalism, the historical development of relations between the United States and the European Union, and the European Community. The conclusion of the chapter then anchors foreign policy actors from the US perspective. However, the thesis aim is to compare two US presidents and their relations with the EU. The selected presidents are Barack Obama and Donald Trump, when the 2012-2018 period is a crucial time for work. The aim of the thesis is to find answers to several questions, when the main one is whether and what difference is in the approach of Barack Obama and Donald Trump towards the EU. The paper sets out several criteria by its research, which will then be compared from the perspective of two presidents in order to show whether and how the policies of two consecutive presidents differ in EU relations.