Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula Ribeiro.pdf: 26132210 bytes, checksum: c1c3dfcd3ddf352dcd4a03de057261e3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research is an interdisciplinary analysis about the area of Praça Onze, in downtown Rio de Janeiro, during the decades of 1920 and 1980. I seek to analyse Praça Onze in the context of the city of Rio de Janeiro as a dynamic space characterised by the presence of different ethnic groups composed of social actors who live in the place and interact with it. In this research, I especially focus on the way of life of Jewish immigrants and their descendants, taking into the social experiences that were developed in the context of Praça Onze, and the resulting territoriality of their original culture.I give special attention to the ways of constitution and representation of Praça Onze brought about by narrated memory and other documents that point out the jews struggle towards culture and territorial preservation in the city. The guiding line of this research is driven by aspects of the culture, the way of life and the social relations generated within that space by the immigrants established there. My working aim is that the urban experience developed in its various dimensions at Praça Onze during the 1920 and 1980 decades propitiated the creation of a territoriality that remains as a group memory until the present. The focus of the analysis is the way in which this territoriality was delineated and the way in which the immigrants and their descendents relate in and with the city.Therefore, beyond the organizational ways and the physical dimensions, the analysis clarifies the processes that were developed and how an intense social and commercial network was shaped at Praça Onze / Esta pesquisa é uma análise interdisciplinar sobre a região da Praça Onze, no centro da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, durante os anos de 1920 a 1980. Procuro analisar a Praça Onze, no contexto da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, como um espaço dinâmico, marcado pela presença de diferentes grupos étnicos e composto de sujeitos sociais que vivem o lugar e com ele interagem. Nesta pesquisa me debruço especialmente sobre os modos de vida de imigrantes judeus e seus descendentes, considerando as experiências sociais que desenvolveram no contexto da Praça Onze, constituindo uma territorialidade própria, com marcas de sua cultura de origem. Dou especial atenção aos modos de constituição e de representação da Praça Onze trazidos pela memória narrada e por outros documentos, os quais apontam para formas de luta visando à preservação de sua cultura e luta por espaço na cidade.Aspectos da cultura, da vida e das relações sociais engendradas naquele lugar pelos imigrantes que ali se estabeleceram é o fio condutor desta pesquisa. A minha hipótese de trabalho é a de que a experiência urbana desenvolvida na Praça Onze durante os anos de 1920 a 1980, em suas várias dimensões, propiciou a formação dessa territorialidade que se mantém como memória do grupo até os dias de hoje. A forma como essa territorialidade se delineou e a maneira como os imigrantes e seus descendentes se relacionam na e com a cidade tornam-se objetos de análise.Para além das formas de organização e da dimensão física do espaço, nos interessam, portanto, os processos que ali se desenvolveram e como se configurou uma intensa rede de relações sociais e comerciais

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A dissertação objetiva analisar a influência da Islamofobia no processo decisório em política externa nos Estados Unidos após a data de 11 de setembro de 2001 por meio de sua apropriação por atores sociais considerados como potencialmente influentes no referido processo. A Islamofobia será conceituada a partir de um medo cultural que converte as culturas islâmicas em uma fonte de ameaça. Alinhando-se a uma perspectiva teórica que aponta para a força criativa dos discursos, se procederá à análise de alguns discursos ilustrativos para se sugerir a construção da ideia de ameça islâmica, bem como as formas através das quais o medo inspirado por tal concepção de uma ameaça islâmica alcançou as instâncias decisórias em política externa nos Estados Unidos. Por intermédio de uma análise de conteúdo que se utilizará de uma bibliografia de apoio multidisciplinar, serão abordados temas relativos à problemática de se representar as culturas, à dimensão social do medo, e às diretrizes gerais da política externa dos Estados Unidos após os Atentados Terroristas de 11 de Setembro, considerando que o desenvolvimento de tais questões subsidiará o alcance do objetivo principal do trabalho. Trata-se, em última instância, de um estudo que busca conjugar considerações sobre a política externa dos Estados Unidos com uma análise antropológica acerca da problemática das culturas, expressa a partir da conversão de uma cultura determinada em uma fonte de ameaça. Nesse sentido, a dissertação pode ser caracterizada como de natureza exploratória, uma vez que busca situar um tema pouco explorado no horizonte teórico, sobretudo em estudos sobre política externa. / The thesis intends to show the circulation of Islamophobia in the foreign policy decision making process in the United States after September 11, 2001, through its appropriation by social actors considered to be potentially influential in said process. We conceptualize Islamophobia as a cultural fear that converts islamic cultures in a threat source. By aligning with a theoretical perspective that points out the criative force of discourses, we will analyze some illustrative discourses in order to suggest the discursive construction of the islamic threat, so that we can indicate that the fear inspired by the conception of a islamic threat has reached the foreign policy decision-makers in the United States. Through a content analysis that will rely on a multidisciplinar literature, we will approach subjects such as the problem of representing cultures, the social dimension of fear, and the general guidelines of US foreign policy after the September 11 attacks, considering that such questions will subsidize the achievement of the main objective.It is ultimately a study that intends to articulate considerations on United States foreign policy with an anthropological analysis about the problem of cultures, expressed as the conversion of cultures in a threat. In this sense, we consider it to be an exploratory thesis that seeks to situate a subject little explored in theoretical horizon, especially in studies about foreign policy.

A problemática central dessa pesquisa consiste na análise dos Grupos dos Onze Companheiros ou Comandos Nacionalistas. Esses grupos foram um movimento de esquerda organizado pelo então deputado federal do estado da Guanabara, Leonel de Moura Brizola em outubro de 1963 e tinham o objetivo de pressionar o presidente João Goulart para a realização das Reformas de Base. No final de 1963 o Brasil estava mergulhado numa forte crise política e econômica, e, é nesse momento de instabilidade que o país vivia e de intensas transformações na sociedade brasileira, que o deputado Brizola numa ação extraparlamentar, conclama o povo, através da Rádio Mayrink Veiga a formarem os Grupos dos Onze Companheiros. Nesse período Brizola e João Goulart representavam o expoente máximo do trabalhismo nacional, o que alimentou o imaginário conservador da sociedade que caracterizou a organização brizolista como comunista, no entanto, verificamos em nossa pesquisa que, seus integrantes, tratavam-se de simples trabalhadores urbanos, que, logo após o golpe civil/militar, foram perseguidos, presos e torturados pela ditadura militar. / El tema central de esta investigación es el análisis del Grupo de los Compañeros Once o comandos nacionalistas . Estos grupos eran un movimiento de izquierda organizado por el ex congresista por el estado de Guanabara , Leonel de Moura Brizola en octubre de 1963 y tenía el objetivo de presionar al presidente João Goulart para realizar la Base reformas. A finales de 1963, Brasil se vio inmersa en una fuerte crisis política y económica, y es en este momento de inestabilidad que vivió el país e intensas transformaciones políticas y económicas en la sociedad brasileña , que el Sr. Brizola una acción extraparlamentaria , insta a las personas a través de Radio Mayrink Veiga para formar grupos de Compañeros Once . En este período de Brizola y João Goulart representado el pináculo del movimiento laboral nacional, lo que alimentó la imaginación de la sociedad conservadora que caracteriza a la organización como Brizolista comunista , sin embargo, encontramos en nuestra investigación que sus miembros , tratados de una manera sencilla los trabajadores urbanos que, poco después del golpe de Estado civil / militar , fueron perseguidos , encarcelados y torturados por la dictadura militar.

A problemática central dessa pesquisa consiste na análise dos Grupos dos Onze Companheiros ou Comandos Nacionalistas. Esses grupos foram um movimento de esquerda organizado pelo então deputado federal do estado da Guanabara, Leonel de Moura Brizola em outubro de 1963 e tinham o objetivo de pressionar o presidente João Goulart para a realização das Reformas de Base. No final de 1963 o Brasil estava mergulhado numa forte crise política e econômica, e, é nesse momento de instabilidade que o país vivia e de intensas transformações na sociedade brasileira, que o deputado Brizola numa ação extraparlamentar, conclama o povo, através da Rádio Mayrink Veiga a formarem os Grupos dos Onze Companheiros. Nesse período Brizola e João Goulart representavam o expoente máximo do trabalhismo nacional, o que alimentou o imaginário conservador da sociedade que caracterizou a organização brizolista como comunista, no entanto, verificamos em nossa pesquisa que, seus integrantes, tratavam-se de simples trabalhadores urbanos, que, logo após o golpe civil/militar, foram perseguidos, presos e torturados pela ditadura militar. / El tema central de esta investigación es el análisis del Grupo de los Compañeros Once o comandos nacionalistas . Estos grupos eran un movimiento de izquierda organizado por el ex congresista por el estado de Guanabara , Leonel de Moura Brizola en octubre de 1963 y tenía el objetivo de presionar al presidente João Goulart para realizar la Base reformas. A finales de 1963, Brasil se vio inmersa en una fuerte crisis política y económica, y es en este momento de inestabilidad que vivió el país e intensas transformaciones políticas y económicas en la sociedad brasileña , que el Sr. Brizola una acción extraparlamentaria , insta a las personas a través de Radio Mayrink Veiga para formar grupos de Compañeros Once . En este período de Brizola y João Goulart representado el pináculo del movimiento laboral nacional, lo que alimentó la imaginación de la sociedad conservadora que caracteriza a la organización como Brizolista comunista , sin embargo, encontramos en nuestra investigación que sus miembros , tratados de una manera sencilla los trabajadores urbanos que, poco después del golpe de Estado civil / militar , fueron perseguidos , encarcelados y torturados por la dictadura militar.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A dissertação objetiva analisar a influência da Islamofobia no processo decisório em política externa nos Estados Unidos após a data de 11 de setembro de 2001 por meio de sua apropriação por atores sociais considerados como potencialmente influentes no referido processo. A Islamofobia será conceituada a partir de um medo cultural que converte as culturas islâmicas em uma fonte de ameaça. Alinhando-se a uma perspectiva teórica que aponta para a força criativa dos discursos, se procederá à análise de alguns discursos ilustrativos para se sugerir a construção da ideia de ameça islâmica, bem como as formas através das quais o medo inspirado por tal concepção de uma ameaça islâmica alcançou as instâncias decisórias em política externa nos Estados Unidos. Por intermédio de uma análise de conteúdo que se utilizará de uma bibliografia de apoio multidisciplinar, serão abordados temas relativos à problemática de se representar as culturas, à dimensão social do medo, e às diretrizes gerais da política externa dos Estados Unidos após os Atentados Terroristas de 11 de Setembro, considerando que o desenvolvimento de tais questões subsidiará o alcance do objetivo principal do trabalho. Trata-se, em última instância, de um estudo que busca conjugar considerações sobre a política externa dos Estados Unidos com uma análise antropológica acerca da problemática das culturas, expressa a partir da conversão de uma cultura determinada em uma fonte de ameaça. Nesse sentido, a dissertação pode ser caracterizada como de natureza exploratória, uma vez que busca situar um tema pouco explorado no horizonte teórico, sobretudo em estudos sobre política externa. / The thesis intends to show the circulation of Islamophobia in the foreign policy decision making process in the United States after September 11, 2001, through its appropriation by social actors considered to be potentially influential in said process. We conceptualize Islamophobia as a cultural fear that converts islamic cultures in a threat source. By aligning with a theoretical perspective that points out the criative force of discourses, we will analyze some illustrative discourses in order to suggest the discursive construction of the islamic threat, so that we can indicate that the fear inspired by the conception of a islamic threat has reached the foreign policy decision-makers in the United States. Through a content analysis that will rely on a multidisciplinar literature, we will approach subjects such as the problem of representing cultures, the social dimension of fear, and the general guidelines of US foreign policy after the September 11 attacks, considering that such questions will subsidize the achievement of the main objective.It is ultimately a study that intends to articulate considerations on United States foreign policy with an anthropological analysis about the problem of cultures, expressed as the conversion of cultures in a threat. In this sense, we consider it to be an exploratory thesis that seeks to situate a subject little explored in theoretical horizon, especially in studies about foreign policy.

Text in Afrikaans / After taking her severely incapacitated husband to Europe immediately after the cessation of hostilities to obtain specialist medical treatment, Mrs Rachel Isabella Steyn (Tibbie) in 1905 brought the partially recovered Pres Steyn back to South Africa. She joined forces with her husband to revive the defeated Afrikaner socially, spiritually and materially. Tibbie assisted her husband with establishing the Oranje School for Girls in 1906, and in 1907 the Oranje Association for Women (OVV) was formed with Tibbie as chairperson. Although she was English speaking by birth, she openly identified herself with efforts to promote Afrikaans as a cultural language. Alongside her husband she worked for the building of the National Women's Monument to commemorate those who had died during the war. During all these activities she conscientiously cared for the health and spiritual needs of Pres Steyn. After Pres Steyn's death in 1916 she emerged more forcefully in public life. After the First World War in co-operation with Emily Hobhouse she collected money for the needy in Central Europe. She was constantly occupied with alleviating the needs of people, e.g. by collecting small donations from her people who had been impoverished by the war. In this manner a home could be acquired for Emily Hobhouse and Mrs De Wet, widow of the famous war general, could be assisted in her need. In 1926 Tibbie also arranged the burial of Emily Hobhouse at the Women's Monument. As a leader among her people Tibbie experienced the tensions of the Rebellion and two world wars without becoming involved publicly. Despite sharp political differences between the two language groups and amongst members of her own fam~ly, she successfully maintained her role as binding force. She preferred acting behind the scenes. She was the patroness of many organisations, and while she was often involved in ceremonial situations she always performed her duties with grace. Among both English and Afrikaans speaking peoples she was held in high esteem and among Afrikaners she spontaneously became accepted as Volksmoeder. When she was 83 years of age the Government asked her to act as South Africa's official representative at the abdication of Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands. She was accorded a state funeral at the Women's Monument when she died on 3 January 1955. / Nadat sy haar ernstig ongestelde man na die einde van die Anglo-Boereoorlog vir gespesialiseerde mediese behandeling na Europa geneem het, het mev. Rachel Isabella Steyn (Tibbie) die gedeeltelik herstelde pres. M. T. Steyn in 1905 na Suid-Afrika terug gebring. Sy het haar saam met pres. Steyn beywer om die verslane Afrikanervolk op maatskaplike, geestelike en stoflike gebied weer op te hef. Tibbie het pres. Steyn bygestaan met die oprigting van die Meisieskool Oranje in 1906. In 1907 het die stigting van die Oranje-Vrouevereniging (OVV) onder haar voorsitsterskap geskied. Hoewel sy van afkoms Engelssprekend was, was sy een van die eerstes wat Afrikaans tot skryftaal verhef het. Aan die sy van haar eggenoot het sy gewerk vir die oprigting van die Nasionale Vrouemonument om die gestorwe vroue en kinders van die oorlog te gedenk. Te midde van dit alles het sy nougeset gewaak oor pres. Steyn se gesondheid en sy geestelike welsyn. Na pres. Steyn se dood in 1916 tree sy sterker na vore in die openbare lewe. In samewerking met Emily Hobhouse samel sy na die Eerste Wereldoorlog geld in vir noodlydendes van Sentraal-Europa. Sy het haar voortdurend beywer vir die verligting van die lot van haar mense, o.a. met die insameling van halfkrone by 'n oorlogsverarmde volk. So is o.a. 'n huis vir Emily Hobhouse bekom, en is die nood van genl. De Wet se weduwee verlig. Tibbie het ook in 1926 die leiding geneem met die begrafnis van Emily Hobhouse by die Vrouemonument. As leiersfiguur het sy die spanning van die Rebellie en die twee wereldoorloe sonder enige omstredenheid deurleef. Te midde van skerp politieke verskille tussen die taalgroepe en onder haar eie familie tree sy met sukses as saambindende krag op. Hoewel sy geweldige invloed gehad het, het sy by voorkeur agter die skerms opgetree. Sy was beskermvrou van verskeie organisasies en waar sy dikwels by seremoniele geleenthede betrek was, het sy haar pligte met groot grasie vervul. Onder sowel Engelse as Afrikaners is sy sonder voorbehoud geeer, en by die Afrikaners het sy spontaan die eretitel van Volksmoeder verwerf. Op drie-en-tagtigjarige ouderdom is sy in 1948 deur die Regering afgevaardig as Suid-Afrika se gesant tydens die plegtighede verbonde aan die abdikasie van koningin Wilhelmina van Nederland. Sy is 'n staatsbegrafnis by die Vrouemonument gegee toe sy op 3 Januarie 1955 oorlede is. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)

Text in Afrikaans / After taking her severely incapacitated husband to Europe immediately after the cessation of hostilities to obtain specialist medical treatment, Mrs Rachel Isabella Steyn (Tibbie) in 1905 brought the partially recovered Pres Steyn back to South Africa. She joined forces with her husband to revive the defeated Afrikaner socially, spiritually and materially. Tibbie assisted her husband with establishing the Oranje School for Girls in 1906, and in 1907 the Oranje Association for Women (OVV) was formed with Tibbie as chairperson. Although she was English speaking by birth, she openly identified herself with efforts to promote Afrikaans as a cultural language. Alongside her husband she worked for the building of the National Women's Monument to commemorate those who had died during the war. During all these activities she conscientiously cared for the health and spiritual needs of Pres Steyn. After Pres Steyn's death in 1916 she emerged more forcefully in public life. After the First World War in co-operation with Emily Hobhouse she collected money for the needy in Central Europe. She was constantly occupied with alleviating the needs of people, e.g. by collecting small donations from her people who had been impoverished by the war. In this manner a home could be acquired for Emily Hobhouse and Mrs De Wet, widow of the famous war general, could be assisted in her need. In 1926 Tibbie also arranged the burial of Emily Hobhouse at the Women's Monument. As a leader among her people Tibbie experienced the tensions of the Rebellion and two world wars without becoming involved publicly. Despite sharp political differences between the two language groups and amongst members of her own fam~ly, she successfully maintained her role as binding force. She preferred acting behind the scenes. She was the patroness of many organisations, and while she was often involved in ceremonial situations she always performed her duties with grace. Among both English and Afrikaans speaking peoples she was held in high esteem and among Afrikaners she spontaneously became accepted as Volksmoeder. When she was 83 years of age the Government asked her to act as South Africa's official representative at the abdication of Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands. She was accorded a state funeral at the Women's Monument when she died on 3 January 1955. / Nadat sy haar ernstig ongestelde man na die einde van die Anglo-Boereoorlog vir gespesialiseerde mediese behandeling na Europa geneem het, het mev. Rachel Isabella Steyn (Tibbie) die gedeeltelik herstelde pres. M. T. Steyn in 1905 na Suid-Afrika terug gebring. Sy het haar saam met pres. Steyn beywer om die verslane Afrikanervolk op maatskaplike, geestelike en stoflike gebied weer op te hef. Tibbie het pres. Steyn bygestaan met die oprigting van die Meisieskool Oranje in 1906. In 1907 het die stigting van die Oranje-Vrouevereniging (OVV) onder haar voorsitsterskap geskied. Hoewel sy van afkoms Engelssprekend was, was sy een van die eerstes wat Afrikaans tot skryftaal verhef het. Aan die sy van haar eggenoot het sy gewerk vir die oprigting van die Nasionale Vrouemonument om die gestorwe vroue en kinders van die oorlog te gedenk. Te midde van dit alles het sy nougeset gewaak oor pres. Steyn se gesondheid en sy geestelike welsyn. Na pres. Steyn se dood in 1916 tree sy sterker na vore in die openbare lewe. In samewerking met Emily Hobhouse samel sy na die Eerste Wereldoorlog geld in vir noodlydendes van Sentraal-Europa. Sy het haar voortdurend beywer vir die verligting van die lot van haar mense, o.a. met die insameling van halfkrone by 'n oorlogsverarmde volk. So is o.a. 'n huis vir Emily Hobhouse bekom, en is die nood van genl. De Wet se weduwee verlig. Tibbie het ook in 1926 die leiding geneem met die begrafnis van Emily Hobhouse by die Vrouemonument. As leiersfiguur het sy die spanning van die Rebellie en die twee wereldoorloe sonder enige omstredenheid deurleef. Te midde van skerp politieke verskille tussen die taalgroepe en onder haar eie familie tree sy met sukses as saambindende krag op. Hoewel sy geweldige invloed gehad het, het sy by voorkeur agter die skerms opgetree. Sy was beskermvrou van verskeie organisasies en waar sy dikwels by seremoniele geleenthede betrek was, het sy haar pligte met groot grasie vervul. Onder sowel Engelse as Afrikaners is sy sonder voorbehoud geeer, en by die Afrikaners het sy spontaan die eretitel van Volksmoeder verwerf. Op drie-en-tagtigjarige ouderdom is sy in 1948 deur die Regering afgevaardig as Suid-Afrika se gesant tydens die plegtighede verbonde aan die abdikasie van koningin Wilhelmina van Nederland. Sy is 'n staatsbegrafnis by die Vrouemonument gegee toe sy op 3 Januarie 1955 oorlede is. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (Geskiedenis)