The aim of this thesis is to answer the research question as to whether post-election antigovernment actions lead to increased probability of incumbent being replaced. The theoretical argument is that the anti-government groups can choose to use violence or non-violence to force the government to give concessions, the ultimate one being replacement of the incumbent. Both violence and non-violence are argued to have a positive effect on the probability of this to happen, but the latter should be stronger. Two hypotheses capture this: H1: Anti-government violence increases the incumbent’s probability of being replaced. H2: Anti-government non-violence increase the incumbent’s probability of being replaced more than anti-government violence does. Using a logistic regression on 550 elections compiled from the NELDA and ECAV datasets, the first hypothesis is not supported due to lack of statistical significance across the models. The second hypothesis is supported as the non-violent independent variable receives statistically significant results, but these do not hold in the robustness test. Taking into account the suggestions from previous literature, the results do hint towards non-violence being the more successful option of action, but it cannot be concluded with certainty.

In 2020, reports were made of local opposition directed towards the development of public housing in a new residential area called Limhamns Sjöstad (Limhamn's seaside town), located in one of the most affluent districts of Malmö, Sweden. The reports of the local opposition initiated a media debate regarding the municipal housing provision and aim to promote social mixing to counteract segregation within the city. In contrast to international examples of social mixing, which tend to target only deprived areas, the Swedish policy on social mixing promotes a strategy that equally includes affluent areas. Building on prior research on the subject of social mixing, this case study of Limhamns Sjöstad aims to contribute to a scarcity of research regarding the implications of social mixing within an affluent area. With special emphasis on the local opposition, it aims to examine and explain the reactions and opposition to social mixing, connected to local ideas of who should be able to live in a place like Limhamns Sjöstad. Furthermore, how the mode of implementation and interests among different stakeholders involved have affected the development and expectations of its end result, in ways that might have contributed to the emergence of local opposition. For these purposes, the study investigates Malmö's municipal aim to promote social mixing and role of public housing, in comparison to international research. Through a document analysis, the local opposition and reactions against the social mixing in Limhamns Sjöstad are analysed with the help of theories of difference, fear of the stranger, self-segregation and NIMBYism. Additionally, complementary qualitative interviews with planning professionals provided a deeper understanding of the case and the interests of involved stakeholders. The study shows how opposition against social mixing in Limhamns Sjöstad is connected both to a demographic change and to the character of the new built environment, where local ideas of identity and status have influenced who and what is considered to fit in and belong there. Thus, the municipal strategy is perceived to inflict on local interests which are perceived to be ignored and overlooked. Furthermore, the case illustrates the ambiguity of municipal planning in private planning developments. As such, the case reveals a complexity in terms of how municipal, private and local interests come into conflict both among each other and among themselves.

The debate regarding a national parliaments’ opposition in EU politics is ambiguous andremarkably underdeveloped. Historically researchers argued that opposition in the context of national parliaments and European integration is decreasing at the national level. However, this idea has been challenged during the last few years by a few researchers when studying opposition in EU Member States and specifically Sweden. Even though the idea of a decreasing opposition at the national level has been challenged, researchers have primarily focused their studies on measuring opposition through quantitative approaches. Consequently, there is a shortage of research examining opposition through a qualitative lens which could grant there search field a more nuanced perspective of the opposition occurring in national parliaments.The purpose of this thesis is to investigate if and how opposition takes place in the Swedish European Affairs Committee [EAC], through a theoretical lens of opposition and parliamentary transformations. The thesis offers a comprehensive qualitative analysis of opposition by usinga reflexive thematic analysis. The results show that opposition exist in the Swedish EAC. However, political parties repeatedly fail to present alternatives to EU proposals and fail to debate suggestions stemming from the EU. This thesis shed light of how domestic opposition in EU politics can be studied through a qualitative lens and provides a more nuanced depictionof opposition.

Les conduites d'opposition (CO) comptent parmi les problèmes de comportement les plus fréquents en milieu scolaire (McMahon & Kotler, 2006). Étonnamment, peu d'études longitudinales ont porté sur ces conduites. La présente étude poursuit deux objectifs : 1) explorer la présence de trajectoires de CO au primaire; 2) examiner les facteurs de risque présent à la maternelle associés à ces trajectoires. L'échantillon utilisé pour cette étude comportait 2885 enfants (1494 garçons et 1391 filles) provenant d'écoles publiques francophones du Québec. Les comportements d'opposition ont été évalués par les enseignantes. Les résultats basés sur les analyses de trajectoires développementales (Nagin, 2005) ont révélé la présence de trois groupes : Opposition Élevée, Opposition Modérée, Faible Opposition. Près de la moitié des garçons de l'échantillon (49,3 %) et plus des trois quarts des filles (79,4 %) manifestent très peu de conduites d'opposition en classe tout au long du primaire. Et quelle que soit la trajectoire dans laquelle s'insèrent les enfants, leurs conduites apparaissent relativement stables de la première à la sixième année. Par ailleurs, les enfants qui se retrouvent dans la trajectoire d'opposition élevée se distinguent de leurs petits camarades sur l'ensemble des facteurs de risque présents à la maternelle (genre, adversité sociofamiliale, engagement et discipline maternelle, anxiété, hyperactivité, agressivité physique et opposition). Ces résultats suggèrent qu'il est possible dès la maternelle de repérer les enfants plus à risque de présenter des comportements d'opposition de la première à la sixième année du primaire. Ces résultats seront discutés en lien avec la perspective de la psychopathologie développementale (Cicchetti & Rogosh, 2002).

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In this dissertation, I propose that there are multiple factors, such as the education process and the consumption environment, which work to simultaneously create an opposition framework. People are constantly exposed to rival products, which are positioned to be opposites even when they are often extremely similar in chemical content and physical appearance. Thus, the implications of the recency-frequency model of activation (Higgins, Bargh and Lombardi 1985) would be that these proximal factors could, in some sense, prime dichotomous thinking. Dichotomous or oppositional thinking, as it is defined in this dissertation, pertains to the flattening of dimensions present in a choice set such that the items can be graphically depicted at two ends of one dimension (see Figure 2 and Figure 3). I will first explore the impact of a dichotomous mindset on making a decision and then expand to the realm of opposition in choice set structures. / Ph. D.

This is building the tango, a constructive investigation into the material consequences of dancing the tango. Building the tango is about the resurrection of passion and life, as well as passion for life, of which the reality is now. It also involves resurrecting passion and life on a site occupied by ghosts and ruins: Belle Isle in Richmond, Virginia. The constructive investigation of dancing the tango on Belle Isle includes reclaiming the scandal, individual movements and individuals moving together, opposition of body to body, opposition of bodies to space, placement of feet, love of the dance, and feeling the heat of the tango. Studying the material consequences of the tango requires that the structure, itself, is a tango. It is symbolic of a man's struggle for the possession of a woman. The structure is one part man, one part woman, every part dance. The constructive realities of the tango create a dance of materials, a dance of space and a dance of bodies within. / Master of Architecture

The present work provides a comprehensive overview of causativity - its definition, classification and characteristics - in a typological perspective. It outlines the development of causativity in English, from Indo-European to Present Day English with main emphasis on the Old English period and the factors that had led to the state of causative verbs at that time. In Research Part, it inquires into the possible competition between morphological and syntactic causatives and its future after- effects with respect to the described typology. Key words: causation, causativity, causative verb, causative opposition, morphological causative verb, syntactic causative expression, labile causative opposition, Old English