En 1958, la Cinquième République construit ses équilibres institutionnel et fonctionnel en réaction aux dysfonctionnements des Républiques précédentes. Partie à la découverte de la majorité, elle va d’abord rejeter la valeur positive que constitue, pour la démocratie, le conflit politique. Avec l’apparition du fait majoritaire en 1962, la majorité va muer d’une logique arithmétique vers une logique institutionnelle pour devenir une structure de décision homogène dévouée au Gouvernement. La réflexion sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs va alors se renouveler. Alors que la théorie dite moderne de la séparation des pouvoirs propose de faire du contrôle de l’action du Gouvernement par l’opposition, le critère de la démocratie moderne, nous proposons une analyse différente : l’équilibre des pouvoirs repose sur la fonction de contradiction exercée par les minorités parlementaires. Cette fonction de contre pouvoir combine alors une dimension négative de limite du pouvoir, la fonction d’opposition, et une dimension positive de valeur ajoutée de la décision politique, la fonction de complémentarité législative. La thèse propose ainsi un renouvellement de la réflexion sur le processus de prise de décision dans une démocratie pluraliste. / The Fifth Republic in 1958 built its institutional and functional equilibriums in reaction to the previous Republics. It first rejected the positive value that is conflict for a democracy. With the emergence of the “fait majoritaire” in 1962, the majority evolved from a quantitative notion to an institutional notion. It became a structure of homogenous decision making devoted to the Government. Thought on the balance of powers was then renewed. While the so-called modern theory of separation of powers suggests that the criterion for a modern democracy is the check on Government action by the opposition, we propose a different analysis: the balance of powers lies in the function of contradiction assumed by the parliamentary minorities. This role of counter-power combines a negative dimension of limitation of power, the opposition function, and a positive dimension of added value to political decision making, the legislative complementary function. This thesis offers a new perspective on the decision making process in a pluralist democracy.

A substantial amount of prior research has focused on the relation between Central Bank Independence (CBI) and inflation control. However, this research is mainly theoretical or conducted using cross-country statistical regressions and correlations in the developed world. Little attention has been given to understanding this relation in emerging nations or the influence of interest groups on CBI and inflation in a specific context. This thesis addresses both gaps by conducting an in-depth observation and analysis of this relation in a single country (Lebanon) and the influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation during a period of high inflation. This empirical evidence in the case of Lebanon shows that Central Bank Independence from the government – even though abundant and complete – was not enough to control inflation. The influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation was more important. This work makes a contribution to knowledge through highlighting the importance of national contexts when evaluating the CBI-inflation relation. Furthermore, this research extends our understanding of the literature and its gaps, and presents a new way to conduct in-depth studies in the field. Finally, it provides practical insights that are of importance to central bankers, especially in emerging nations.

A civil Uprising on 17 June 1953 in the German Democratic Republic created a dilemma for a number of writers there. On one hand, they were deeply committed to the principles of socialism, upon which their state was based and which they saw as being put in grave danger by events such as those they experienced on 17 June. On the other hand, they were fiercely critical of the practice of socialism as pursued by the governing party, whose Stalinist methods of governance they believed to be in large part responsible for the civil unrest. My thesis explores the nature of this dilemma in the case of four writers, Bertolt Brecht, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym and Erich Loest, and their efforts to resolve it within a repressive state, whose regime vigorously suppressed all signs of criticism or dissent. These writers created major works of fiction, a cycle of poems, a drama and two novels, in which the Uprising of 17 June is the central theme. In addition, each has provided a substantial body of non-fictional texts, largely journalistic and autobiographical, in which the Uprising is extensively contextualised. In bringing together and interrelating the fictional and non-fictional work of each author into my analysis, I have been able to demonstrate that all four held and publicly expressed views that set them in opposition to the regime in the GDR.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The outbreak of crisis exposes the weakness of the incumbent government. It brings the opposition two opportunities to challenge the incumbent. First, the opposition, through providing a timely and appropriate response to crisis within a limited time, challenges the incumbent's legitimacy by exposing its underperformance and maladministration. Second, crisis brings change to existing policy, providing another opportunity for the opposition to channel its policy advocacy into real policy. Against this background, this thesis examines how the opposition in Hong Kong responds to and manipulates crises to gain issue ownership and electoral advantage. Through such an examination, one can observe the dynamics between the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government, the opposition and the pro-government establishment camp. Through examining 19 crises selected throughout the period from 1998 to 2017, i.e., the beginning of the first LegCo session to the end of Leung Chun-ying's term, this thesis contributes to the literature in two ways. It offers a new framework for studying factional politics. The thesis regards the pan-democrats as a whole as one quasi-political party, and each member party constituent of the pan-democrats is viewed as a faction. The analysis applies a new model combining competition and cooperation to study the dynamics within the pan-democrats. The pan-democrats both cooperate to confront the HKSAR Government and its faithful ally and compete among themselves for vote share. This thesis also offers a new perspective for understanding Hong Kong politics, as the existing literature on Hong Kong politics mainly focuses on the constitutional disputes between the HKSAR Government, pan-democrats and the pro-establishment. One can study the dynamics between these three actors in the policy-making process under the context of Hong Kong politics, which has been little discussed in the existing literature.

Esta dissertação pretende discutir como se dá, em termos propositivos, a participação daqueles atores que se situam fora da coalizão ministerial de governo. Tendo por objeto a produção das leis, propõem-se observar como se resolvem institucionalmente os conflitos. Tomando por base que Presidentes buscam formar coalizões que contam com a maioria das cadeiras do parlamento - medida suficiente, em teoria, para aprovar sua agenda de governo - pretende-se questionar em que grau se dá a participação da minoria e daqueles atores que não fazem parte da coalizão de governo. Para tanto, faremos um contraponto com os governos minoritários, comparando as chances de participação efetiva dos dois blocos, em termos proporcionais, ou seja, em relação ao número de cadeiras que ocupam. O trabalho mostra como a participação dos atores que se situam fora da coalizão de governo pode indicar a existência de um consenso legislativo que extrapola os limites dos partidos que compõem o governo, independente deste compor coalizões majoritárias ou não - se estendendo até mesmo aos partidos tidos como de oposição. Ao final do trabalho, mostrarei como esses partidos, normalmente tidos como de oposição, também participam do processo de formulação das políticas. Pretende-se aqui suprir a lacuna deixada pela literatura especializada que, ao voltar seu foco de preocupação para a governabilidade do sistema presidencialista deixa a descoberto a participação positiva daqueles atores que não compõem a coalizão de governo. / This dissertation intends to discuss, in propositional terms, the participation of those actors who are outside the ministerial coalition of the Brazilian government. With the focus on the production of laws, we propose to observe how institutional conflicts are solved. Considering that Presidents seek to form coalitions as a way to have a majority of seats in Parliament a sufficient measure, in theory, to approve the governmental agenda - we question to what extent the minority and those actors that are outside of the government coalition are able to participate in this process. To this end, we contrast majority and minority governments, comparing the chances of effective participation of the two blocks, in proportional terms, which means taking into account the number of seats occupied by each side. The work shows how the participation of those actors who are outside the governmental coalition can indicate the existence of a legislative consensus that is bigger than the sum of the political parties that are members of the government coalition, regardless of the fact that this is a majority coalition or not extending itself to parties that are regarded as opposition. At the end of the work, we show how the parties usually taken as the opposition are also able to participate in the formulation of policies. The intention here is to fill a gap left by the literature that, focusing on the success of presidential system of governance does not take into account the positive participation of those actors positioned outside the government coalition.

Les formes du temps chez Albert Cohen ont montré qu'il existe une interaction entre le temps chronologique romanesque et l'histoire écrite en filigrane l'ensemble des œuvres. Les différentes formes et modes d'expression du temps chez Cohen constituent le socle d'une écriture plurielle en contradiction avec son temps. L’œuvre de Cohen dépasse tous les clivages de la temporalité poétique, romanesque, lyrique, théâtrale, autobiographique, profane et sacrée pour atteindre une dimension universelle d'une construction du temps fondé sur la différence. Le récit a précisément pour rôle de permettre le décryptage du temps par l'homme à travers une expérience intime dont les différentes manifestations les plus fréquentes dans les romans cohéniens sont l'attente, la solitude, l'ennui et la mélancolie. Le moment intime est non seulement illimité mais il reste ouvert à plusieurs horizons ce qui permet d'ailleurs la cohabitation de multiples séquences spatio-temporelles. Avec l'Histoire, le temps admet deux réalités parallèles : une première, terrestre, à partir de laquelle l'homme commence à évaluer le temps chronologique et linéaire ; une seconde, mythique regroupant la première en lui donnant un ancrage dans le temps d'antan que l'écrivain régénère avec l'avènement d'un nouvel Adam. / Forms at the time Albert Cohen showed that there is an interaction between chronological time and history novels written between the lines of all works. Different forms and modes of expression of time in Cohen are the foundation of a plural writing in contradiction with the times. Cohen's work transcends all divisions of temporality poetic, romantic, lyrical, dramatic, autobiographical, profane and sacred dimension to achieve a universal construction based on the time difference. The History is precisely to allow the decryption part time by man through an intimate experience with the various manifestations common in novels cohéniens are waiting, loneliness, boredom and melancholy. The intimate moment is not only unlimited but it remains open in several horizons thereby also the coexistence of multiple spatio-temporal sequences. With history, time admits two parallel realities : first, land, from which he begins to evaluate the chronological time and linear second, involving the mythical first giving it a foothold in the time of old regenerates the writer with the advent of a new Adam.

Le Code de procédure civile écarte expressément, de l’exercice de la tierce-opposition, la « partie » et le « tiers représenté » sans définir ce dernier. L’exclusion de la partie ne pose pas de difficulté, la notion de sa définition peut être trouvée dans le régime de l’appel. En revanche, à la question de savoir qui est « tiers représenté » aucune réponse n’est donnée. Ni la qualité de tiers, ni celle de partie, ne soulève a priori de difficultés, à l’inverse de celle de « tiers représenté ». C’est donc que cette représentation constitue un élément perturbateur des qualifications classiques, en conduisant à la remise en cause de la dichotomie de « tiers » et « partie ». Représentation qui ne produit pas de représentation du représenté (qui reste tiers), il ne s’agirait que d’une étrangeté dont il faudrait s’accommoder au seul motif de sa consécration textuelle. Les auteurs en font d’ailleurs état en mettant l’accent sur sa spécificité, sans autre justification que les dispositions du code et le régime prétorien secrété en la matière, en majeure partie sous l’empire de l’ancien code de procédure civile. Au-delà de la pluralité des cas de figure, ressort la préexistence de cette « représentation » reconnue en droit substantiel, préalablement à tout litige. Il ne saurait être alors question d’une particularité processuelle. L’étude à l’aune du droit processuel de ces décisions permet de détecter la constance de l’absence d’un droit propre du « représenté », soit qu’il n’en a pas, soit que ceux dont il est titulaire n’ont pas été affectés par la décision rendue. Le « représenté » est donc soit un tiers sans intérêt, soit une partie. La représentation ne constitue ici aucunement un critère de rattachement à une catégorie intermédiaire qui serait celle de « tiers représenté ». L’exerçant n’est donc jamais, en définitive, « tiers représenté » qui n’est qu’une description et non une prescription, ni une catégorie de rattachement. Cette représentation n’est d’aucun apport au droit processuel, et l’article 583 alinéa 1er du Code de procédure civile ne fait que consacrer la réception d’un élément exogène perturbateur. Cette disposition pourrait être abrogée, et la« représentation du tiers » tout comme la notion, sinon le concept, de « tiers représenté » qui en procède, être abandonnés. / In accordance with article 583 of the Code of Civil Procedure “any person who shows an interest if he was neither a party to nor he is represented in the judgement which he impugns, will be admissible to bring third party proceedings”. The law hereby introduces the notion of a “represented third party”, but fails to define it. Neither party nor third party, the “represented third party” seems to be an incongruity that the jurist should accommodate with solely because of its textual recognition. A procedural law analysis of the judicial decisions regarding third-party proceedings consistently reveals the absence of a direct claim pertaining to the “represented third party”. This leads to the conclusion that the “represented third party” is either a third party who has no claim, or a party. As a matter of fact, the representation of this so-called third party is merely a description, and has no impact on procedural law. It rather is a disturbing exogenous element of no legal consequence. Hence, the concept of a representation of a third party, as well as that of a “represented third party” ought to be withdrawn from the Code of Civil Procedure.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-15T14:23:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Deitos Haas.pdf: 2265336 bytes, checksum: 0f36508aa2d3eff2a2b12c951ccbe6b2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-15T14:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Deitos Haas.pdf: 2265336 bytes, checksum: 0f36508aa2d3eff2a2b12c951ccbe6b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-17 / Milton Valente / O objetivo da dissertação foi descrever semanticamente a oposição de adjetivos do domínio dos sentimentos no contexto da Educação a Distância. Pretendeu-se contribuir para enriquecer um léxico de emoção que será utilizado como base de dados para um analisador de sentimentos que identifique automaticamente os sentimentos expressos pelos alunos no ambiente virtual Moodle. Uma das justificativas para a construção de um analisador de sentimentos aplicado ao contexto de ensino a distância é a crença de que um dos fatores que contribuem para o sucesso da Educação a Distância (EaD) está na capacidade de o professor/tutor identificar rapidamente como os alunos estão se sentindo no ambiente e, por essas declarações estarem dispersas nas várias ferramentas que compõem o ambiente virtual, as tarefas de identificação e de resposta rápida ao aluno são prejudicadas, fato que pode influenciar na evasão de cursos e de disciplinas a distância. Esse estudo é interdisciplinar, ancorado na Linguística Cognitiva (Cruse, 1986; 2000) em interface com a área do Processamento Automático de Língua Natural (PLN), a partir das teorias da Semântica Lexical Computacional na área da Análise de Sentimentos (Pang e Lee, 2008; Liu, 2012). Por ser interdisciplinar, a metodologia adotada abrange três domínios que se complementam: o linguístico, o linguístico-computacional e o computacional (Dias-da-Silva 1996; 1998; 2003). No domínio linguístico foram estudados a emoção à luz da abordagem componencial psicológica de Scherer (1994; 2000; 2005), a Roda da Emoção (Scherer, 2005) e o fenômeno linguístico da oposição (Lyons, 1977; Cruse, 1986; 2000; Murphy, 2003). Com vistas ao domínio linguístico-computacional foi proposta uma descrição formalizável dos adjetivos tendo em vista a teoria da oposição estudada e a Roda da Emoção. O domínio computacional será realizado por uma equipe de informatas da Unisinos, parceiros do projeto “MAS-EaD: Mapeamento automático de sentimentos na EaD: a construção de um léxico de emoção”, financiado pela FAPERGS. Os resultados da investigação revelam que a literatura apresenta dois tipos de oposição, a complementar e a antonímia, sendo que somente casos de antonímia foram encontrados em nosso corpus. Desse modo, a relação de oposição é a principal relação para a Análise de Sentimentos, uma vez que esta identifica sentimentos contrários. Além disso, a relação de oposição se mostrou importante para organizar as polaridades dos sentimentos da Roda da Emoção de Scherer. / The aim of this dissertation was to describe semantically adjectives opposition of sentiments domain in the Distance Education context. The purpose was to enrich an emotion lexicon which will be used as a database for a sentiment analyzer to identify automatically sentiments expressed by students on the open source learning platform Moodle. One of the justifications for building a sentiment analyzer applied to the distance education context is the belief that one of the factors that contribute to its success is the capacity of the teacher/tutor to identify as quickly as possible how students are feeling using the platform. Students’ declarations are diffused in several tolls in the platform and for this reason their identification and a quick response to students are less effective what can influence the evasion in courses and disciplines on a distance basis. This study is interdisciplinary, founded in Cognitive Linguistics (Cruse, 1986; 2000), interaction with Automatic Processing of Natural Language, from the Computacional Lexical Semantic Theory in the Sentiment Analysis (Pang e Lee, 2008; Liu, 2012). As an interdisciplinary study, the methodology comprehend three domains which complement one another: linguistic, computational-linguistic and computational (Dias-da-Silva, 1996; 1998; 2003). At regarding linguistic domains the emotion according to the componential psychologic approach from Scherer (1994; 2000; 2005; 2013), the Geneva Emotion Wheel (Scherer, 2005) and the linguistic phenomenon of opposition (Lyons, 1977; Cruse, 1986; 2000; Murphy, 2003) were studied. At concerning the computational linguistic domain a formalizable description of adjectives was proposed with respect to the opposition theory studied and the Geneva Emotion Wheel. The computational domain will be done by a computer science team from Unisinos, who are working with us in the project “MAS-EaD: Automatic sentiment mining in distance education: building an emotion lexicon”, defrayed by FAPERGS. The findings of this investigation showed that the literature presents two types of opposition, complementary and antonym, but only antonym cases were found in our corpus. Thereby, the opposition relation is the main relation for the Sentiment Analysis, because it identifies opposite sentiments. Besides, the opposition relation is important to organize sentiment polarities of the Geneva Emotion Wheel of Scherer.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism