Esta dissertação pretende discutir como se dá, em termos propositivos, a participação daqueles atores que se situam fora da coalizão ministerial de governo. Tendo por objeto a produção das leis, propõem-se observar como se resolvem institucionalmente os conflitos. Tomando por base que Presidentes buscam formar coalizões que contam com a maioria das cadeiras do parlamento - medida suficiente, em teoria, para aprovar sua agenda de governo - pretende-se questionar em que grau se dá a participação da minoria e daqueles atores que não fazem parte da coalizão de governo. Para tanto, faremos um contraponto com os governos minoritários, comparando as chances de participação efetiva dos dois blocos, em termos proporcionais, ou seja, em relação ao número de cadeiras que ocupam. O trabalho mostra como a participação dos atores que se situam fora da coalizão de governo pode indicar a existência de um consenso legislativo que extrapola os limites dos partidos que compõem o governo, independente deste compor coalizões majoritárias ou não - se estendendo até mesmo aos partidos tidos como de oposição. Ao final do trabalho, mostrarei como esses partidos, normalmente tidos como de oposição, também participam do processo de formulação das políticas. Pretende-se aqui suprir a lacuna deixada pela literatura especializada que, ao voltar seu foco de preocupação para a governabilidade do sistema presidencialista deixa a descoberto a participação positiva daqueles atores que não compõem a coalizão de governo. / This dissertation intends to discuss, in propositional terms, the participation of those actors who are outside the ministerial coalition of the Brazilian government. With the focus on the production of laws, we propose to observe how institutional conflicts are solved. Considering that Presidents seek to form coalitions as a way to have a majority of seats in Parliament a sufficient measure, in theory, to approve the governmental agenda - we question to what extent the minority and those actors that are outside of the government coalition are able to participate in this process. To this end, we contrast majority and minority governments, comparing the chances of effective participation of the two blocks, in proportional terms, which means taking into account the number of seats occupied by each side. The work shows how the participation of those actors who are outside the governmental coalition can indicate the existence of a legislative consensus that is bigger than the sum of the political parties that are members of the government coalition, regardless of the fact that this is a majority coalition or not extending itself to parties that are regarded as opposition. At the end of the work, we show how the parties usually taken as the opposition are also able to participate in the formulation of policies. The intention here is to fill a gap left by the literature that, focusing on the success of presidential system of governance does not take into account the positive participation of those actors positioned outside the government coalition.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism

In Lolita, Humbert is obsessed with the 12-year-old Lolita. It is a vulgar and disturbing story which raises questions about morality and ethics. With a sophisticated and elegant narrative, Humbert manages to draw attention to language rather than to his actions. Through fancy prose style Humbert covers up and hides his horrible actions. His verbal game serves to manipulate his readers to accept Humbert´s feelings and actions and sympathize with him.  Humbert´s narration is very persuasive and the reader is easily fooled to concentrate on what he says rather than what he does. In this essay deconstructive method is used to analyse Lolita. The study shows how binary oppositions are used in Lolita and what effect they have on the reader´s comprehension of the text. The study presents a number of incongruities in Humbert´s telling of the story and therefore the essay argues that Humbert cannot be trusted with the telling of his tale.

The thesis focuses on analysis of the current opposition in Russia. Attention is mainly focused on the conditions for the existence and operation of the opposition created by the government's garniture, including the purposeful changes of the valid legislation and its influence on the state of the present opposition. Furthermore, the work aims to map key opposition parties and find out what the character of the current opposition is, whether it offers a liberal-democratic alternative to the existing regime or not. Last but not least, presented public opinion polls investigate whether there is room for opposition in society and what the society's attitude toward opposition is. This thesis is a contribution to discussion in the context of the nature of the current regime in Russia and the real possibilities for its change in the near future, because analysing the opposition is important for understanding of the system and its functioning, both in terms of conditions for its functioning, its embedding in society and ideological focus.

30 years into the existence of a unified German Republic, the emphasis of differences, the use of stereotypes and the existence of economic inequalities remain. This affects the younger post-unification generation - children that were born after 1989. The study is concerned with the investigation into the process of identity construction along the East-West binary and the effects this process has on said binary division. Thereby, the Eastern German perspective is stressed by using in-depth interviews with Eastern German respondents for a narrative analysis that is based on structural, interactional and performative principles. This thesis sees its contribution in the renewal of the deadlocked debate about the German East-West discourse by taking a postmodern stance on identity while applying a sociological theoretical framework and postcolonial concepts. The ambivalence in identity construction and the indication for a hybrid form of identity point at the existence of a Third Space, in which socio-political transformations can take place.

"Regime campaign against Charta 77 on pages of Rudé právo" is the name of this diploma work and the definition of the research aim. This research aim is elaborated by qualitative content analysis of chosen media. Diploma work is divided into three main parts which are methodology, historical (theoretical) and analytical. Theoretical part describes historical affairs essential for understanding the role of Charta 77 in context of normalization regime in communistic Czechoslovakia starting from Prague Spring and ending with events leading to the Velvet revolution. In context of opposition movements and new forms of resistance emerging the regime reaction on rise of the opposition is also described. In the structure of historical part the key moment is foundation of Charta 77 and its activities and aims. The role and function of journalism as well as the role of Rudé právo daily in communistic regime is described as important background for regime media campaign understanding. The core of this diploma work is analytical part. It consists of content analysis of Rudé právo daily in period of first three months of 1977. The base of the content analysis is each single article in Rudé právo related to Charta 77 and chartists. Analytical part is divided into three parts. Each part analyzes one research...

This thesis deals with the position of small parties in the Czech parliamentary system after the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in autumn 201. The main focus is holding on the period from the official start of the election campaign on 2 May 2017 until the press release of selected parties after signing Coaliton on 10 July 2018. At the same time this paper focuses on the strategies of small political entities in the negotiations on the government in a situation where the election winner became the ANO movement and the only candidate for the prime minister is the prosecuted Andrej Babiš. Attention is paid to the strategy of the small political subjects, when they are faced with deciding whether to give priority to offices in the government and the opportunity to push through their political agenda or decide to keep the voters' promise and remain in opposition. The issue is examined from the perspective of the smallest political entities in the Chamber of Deputies - KDU-ČSL, TOP 09 and STAN. Emphasis is also placed on putting the issue into the context of the Czech party system and the ability of small parties to promote their program in the past. The aim of the thesis is to create a case study giving an explanation of the coalition strategy of small political parties and movements, which got...

This master's thesis looks into the phenomenon of unofficial education in Czechoslovakia and Poland in the 1970s and 1980s. Comparing several initiatives, the thesis analyses the context of their origins, ways of organisation, members, motivations, themes of lectures, and the position between the dissent and the Communist regime. The author focuses on the general characterisation of the phenomenon and its connection to the unofficial sphere. Keywords: education, underground seminars, flying university, opposition, socialist regime, Czechoslovakia, Poland

Between 1810 and 1819, the Church of Sweden adopted three new books: the new handbook from 1811, archbishop Lindblom’s new explication of Martin Luther’s Small Catechism and Wallins new hymn book from 1819.  A few years earlier, a Lutheran revival movement had arisen in upper Norrland. The members of the revival movement, generally named “new readers”, reacted strongly to the influence of Enlightenment inspired theology (neology) in the new books. In 1848, the opposition of the most radical new readers led them to separate from the Church.  This master thesis examines the opposition to the new Swedish hymn book from 1819 in the area which since 1904 has been the diocese of Luleå. The study is limited to the period between 1819 and 1903. It is based on a qualitative problem-oriented source study through a close reading of the visitation documents for the parishes in the area. Opposition can be expressed in many ways and there can be many different indicators of it. The study’s inductive approach means that these indicators are not determined in advance, but rather are discovered through the close reading of the visitation documents.  The main questions discussed in the thesis are: • How long did it take before the parishes in upper Norrland introduced the hymn book of 1819? • What signs of opposition to the new hymn book are found in the visitation documents, and for how long? • How did the opponents motivate their resistance to the hymn book of 1819? • How was the new Sami hymn book from 1849 which was partly a translation from parts of the Wallinian hymn book received?  The study shows that it took a while before the new hymnal was introduced in most upper Norrland's Swedish-speaking parishes. More than half of those parishes had not introduced the new hymnal in 1829. This changed in many parishes during Bishop Franzén's visits in 1835. Opposition to the hymn book was largely expressed in parishes where the radical reading- movement had an influence. People expressed opposition to the hymn book in different ways during different phases. The opposition was usually explained in the visitation documents based on doctrinal reasons. The Sami hymnal, which was published in 1849 and which was partly based on the Wallinan hymnal, met with criticism from both the clergy in northern Lapland and the Sami. The priests criticized the translation, that it was difficult to understand for those who spoke the northern dialects. What the Sami were critical of is unknown.  The study shows that the new hymn book seemed to have been used in all Swedish-speaking parishes before 1903, but in parallel with the hymn book from 1695 in at least two parishes. This parallel use lasted for a very long time, perhaps during the entire investigation period. The old hymn book continued to be important to many people in upper Norrland.

Studiet av politiskt ledarskap blir alltmer centralt i takt med det politiska ledarskapets växande inflytande på människors vardag. För Socialdemokraterna har Sveriges NATO-process inneburit en påtaglig försvarspolitisk omställning. Trots förlust av regeringsmakten har stödet för såväl partiet som för partiledaren Magdalena Andersson vuxit, mitt under en påtaglig politisk omställning. Opinionen för ett svenskt medlemskap har uppvisat radikala förändringar inom partiet, som traditionellt sett varit kategoriskt avvisande för ett svenskt NATO-medlemskap. Det torde krävas ett framgångsrikt ledarskap för att uppnå detta. Svensk ledarskapsforskning hyllar modellen utvecklande ledarskap som en åtråvärd modell för utövande av framgångsrikt ledarskap. Kan dess förlaga, transformativt ledarskap, utgöra en giltig förklaringsfaktor bakom förståelsen för Magdalena Anderssons utövade ledarskap? Kan modellen också förklara Anderssons höga förtroendesiffror i kontexten av Sveriges NATO-process? En unik faktor i det aktuella fallet är också att Anderssons ledarskapsutövning kan observeras utifrån två olika roller. Dels i rollen som regeringschef, dels i rollen som partiledare i opposition vilket ger undersökningen en komparativ anstrykning. Studien har syftat till att undersöka huruvida modellen transformativt ledarskap är tillämpbar som giltig förklaringsmodell bakom det ledarskap som Magdalena Andersson har utövat inom ramen för Sveriges NATO-process. Undersökningen visar genom en deduktiv tematisk analys att det ledarskap som utövas i båda rollerna är överförbara på det transformativa ledarskapets fyra faktorer (idealiserat inflytande, intellektuell stimulering, inspirerande motivation samt individuell omtanke). Undersökningen visar också att det torde krävas utövande av transformativt för att uppnå och upprätthålla höga förtroendesiffror under en politisk omställning av NATO-processens dignitet.