Thesis (M.S.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2002. / Title from title page screen (viewed Feb. 26, 2003). Thesis advisor: Louis J. Gross. Document formatted into pages (vii, 82 p. : ill. (some col.)). Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 66-72).

This is a study of the manifestations and permutations of the Black Power era principles and ideologies in New Orleans from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s. By highlighting little-known and often neglected groups along with popular organizations, this work illuminates how these groups shaped and rethought the their objectives and tactics in the contested terrain of post-Civil Rights New Orleans. Making extensive use of archival resources, newspaper articles, memoirs, interviews, and secondary literature, “There are Some Bad Brothers and Sisters in New Orleans” focuses on the ways in which disparate organizations, groups, and individuals, wrestling with the highly fluid idea of Black Power, attempted to refashion the political and cultural landscape of the Crescent City. This dissertation contributes a more nuanced analysis of this famous city and continues the recent surge in Black Power Studies that emphasizes local examples of Black Power. This work tells the story of New Orleans; of shootouts and showdowns; liberation theater and war helicopters; schools and southern political rules. The central objective of this study is to provide a more complete and in-depth look at the major themes (Cultural Nationalism, Revolutionary Nationalism, Black Arts, student movements, political power, and independent education) of the Black Power era by calling attention to its distinctive but informative examples nurtured in the incomparable city of New Orleans. This dissertation argues that the roots of Black Power in New Orleans were shattered, disparate, and ad-hoc in nature. As such, its thrust failed to bear the social, cultural, economic, and political fruit hoped for by its advocates. / text

<p>The US Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was an organization of the Black Power Movement, a cultural and a political nationalist movement central to the history of the African-American Freedom Struggle. The Black Panthers' anti-imperialist politics, militant visual style, grassroots strategies, and community programs appealed within and beyond the United States. Between 1967 and 1972, people of color struggling under class and ethnic oppression in six countries outside the United States formed Black Panther Parties inspired by the US Panthers. In the United Kingdom, West Indians, West Africans, and South Asians formed a Black Panther Movement in 1968 and in Israel, a group of Mizrahi (Arab) Jews founded a Black Panther Party in in Jerusalem in 1971. This dissertation examines these two movements with reference to the US Black Panthers in order to place local, national, and global histories in dialogue. </p><p>This study adopts a transnational framework that conceives of Black Power as a movement of global migrants. From 1948 to 1967, over two million people from Asia, Africa, and the Caribbean migrated to the UK and Israel. These migrants' overlapping experiences of displacement and class- and ethnic-based oppression led them to establish Black Panther groups in their new home countries in order to raise their political concerns under a collective banner. These people chose to become Black Panthers specifically because the US Black Panther Party offered a name and style that connected their global brothers and sisters to a range of grassroots strategies promoting interethnic solidarity and the collective advancement of black communities against the social structures that fostered racism. Through the examination of oral histories, photographs, letters, fliers, passport stamps, films, court cases, and surveillance files, this study focuses on how these global Panther activists represented themselves and their politics in the public sphere.</p><p>Both the British and Israeli Panther movements first organized in response to the city police's harassment of youth in their neighborhoods. Their respective critiques expanded from an opposition to police brutality to systemic goals of improving housing, education, welfare, and employment for blacks. Both of the nation-states in which these groups emerged relied upon the US for military stability and economic support during this period, such that the British and Israeli Panthers saw confrontations with their respective governments as acts of resistance to American Empire.</p><p>This dissertation, then, is at once a community study of two branches of a transnational social movement as well as a larger story. The broader narrative reveals how everyday people responded to the American Empire in the 1960s and 1970s, how the US Black Panthers translated black internationalist politics into urban neighborhoods, and how people outside the US constructed narratives about African-Americans as a way of making sense of racial formations at home. This work also demonstrates how foreign governments and media producers appropriated African-American history for a variety of in political purposes during this period. This examination enables a deeper understanding of the transnational black freedom struggle, as it centers the role that people of color outside the United States played in creating and sustaining Black Panther Movements that confronted American and British Empires from the grassroots.</p> / Dissertation

This study examines the political career of Maurice Edwin "Moon" Landrieu from his election to the Louisiana legislature in 1960 to the end of his first term as mayor of New Orleans in 1974. Landrieu was a white southern liberal who vigorously supported the agenda of the civil rights movement. He succeeded in building an unprecedented coalition between liberal, middle-class whites and a large segment of the black community. As the 1970s unfolded, however, he found his coalition increasingly threatened not just by disgruntled white conservatives, which might be expected, but also by angry black radicals of the Black Panther Party. This study argues that Landrieu's firm commitment to opening up political and economic opportunity to all citizens enabled him to keep his progressive, biracial coalition together and to help pave the way for the 1978 election of Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans.

No description available.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka Pantrarna genom att se på vad för typ av social rörelse Pantrarna är. Sociala faktorer som låg bakom bildandet, deras förebilder, metoderna de använde, hur de organiserade sig och vad de ville uppnå undersöktes. Bakgrunden till bildandet av en social rörelse som Pantrarna var komplex och flera teorier och begrepp fick därför användas för att försöka förklara kontext såväl som Pantrarna som social rörelse. Uppsatsen är gjord genom en kvalitativ metod bestående av intervjuer, innehållsanalys på filmen om dem, observation vid deras festival, netnografisk studie av rörelsen där Facebook,Youtube och deras hemsida studerats. De viktigaste resultatet som hittades var att Pantrarna är en social rörelse som bygger på ett konfliktperspektiv där de använder metoder som att storma politikers möten och genom demonstrationer. De anordnar även föreläsningar och en årlig musikfestival som är gratis. Medlemmarna upplever ett utanförskap och upplever att de inte har möjligheter att uppnå sina mål och drömmar som boende i andra områden utanför förorten. Men möjligen är det så att deär fast i sin egen upplevelse av alienation mot det omgivande samhället och snarare bidrar till den än att, som de vill, motverka den.Nyckelord: Social rörelse, Förorten, Alienation / The purpose of this paper was to investigate Pantrarna by looking at what kind of social movement Pantrarna are. Social factors behind the founding, the rolemodels, methods used, how they were organized and what they wanted to achieve was studied. The background ofthe founding of the social movement like Pantrarna was complex and therefore several theories and concepts were used to try to understand the context as well as Pantrarna as a social movement. Qualitative method consisting of interviews, content analysis of the movie about them, observation at their festival, a netnographic study of the movement through Facebook, Youtube and on their website.The most important findings was that Pantrarna is a social movement that rests on a conflictperspective where they use methods like storming politicians meetings and through demonstrations. They also arrange lectures and a yearly music festival that’s free. The members experience an exclusion and they feel that they don’t have the same possibilities to achieve their goals and dreams like the residents in other areas outside the suburbs. But maybe they are stuck in their own experience of alienation towards the surrounding society and rather contribute to it, as oppose to doing what they want, counteract it.Keywords: Social movement, Suburb, Alienation.

The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.