L'oeuvre romanesque fernandézienne regroupe la dimension du paria selon deux axes tutélaires : "l'artiste paria" et le "paria ordinaire". Le premier vit sous l'emprise du spectre binaire "immortalité/oubli", intronisé par l'absence/présence du corps. En effet, le Caravage, réhabilité par une voix d'outre-tombe, part à la recherche de son "corps physique", perdu définitivement sur une plage. Malgré l'écart spatio-temporel, Pasolini subit fatalement le même régime de la dépossession corporelle. De son côté, Tchaïkovski devient le modèle négatif d'un mal social qu'il faut extirper à tout prix. Aussi deviendra-t-il "le bouc émissaire" d'une société puritaine. L'immortel ne lance pas un cri de désespoir, un appel au secours à travers les siècles, mais plutôt il radicalise l'émergence d'une voix unique qui s'évertue à légitimer l'existence d'un "corps artistique". Pasolini, le Caravage et Tchaïkovski représente l'épiphanie immortelle d'une telle posture statutaire. De nature éminemment profane, l'immortalité artistique a comme versant contraire "l'oubli". Porporino, Gian Gaston et Friedrich/Franz s'opposent, par conséquent, aux artistes immortelles par la plongée définitive dans l'océan de l'oubli. En dernier lieu, "l'être ordinaire", incapable de vivre d'une façon autonome un type d'amour qui "ose dire son nom", trouve dans le mimétisme l'immanence d'un acte de survie afin de se soustraire à une société répressive. En proie à la nostalgie d'un temps révolu, il mène une existence éminemment souterraine, régie par la terreur de l'échec. / The novels of Dominique Fernandez gather the dimension of pariahdom according to two tutelary axes : "the artist as a pariah" in relation with the "ordinary outcast". The former lives under the influence of the dual spectrum of immortality /oblivion ordained by the presence/absence of one's body. Indeed, Caravaggio, rehabilitated by a voice from beyond the grave, leaves to find his own "physical body" that the definitively lost on a beach. In spite of the spatiotemporal differences between the two artists, Pasolini inevitably undergoes the same process of body dispossession. For his part, Tchaikovski becomes the negative model of the social wrongfulness that needs to be extirpated at all costs. Thus he will become the "scapegoat" of a Puritan society. The immortal artist does not shout out a desperate plea or a cry for help through the centuries ; he rather radicalizes the emergency of a unique voice which obstinately tries to legitimate the existence of the "artistic body". Pasolini, Caravaggio and Tchaikovski represent the immortal epiphany of such a statuary posture. The artistic immortality is eminently profane and has a negative corollary the "oblivion". Consequently, Porporino, Gian Gaston and Friedrich/Franz are different from the immortal artist and definitively immerse into oblivion. Finally, "the ordinary being", incapable to autonomously live a type of love that "dares say its name", finds in the mimetical approach the immanence of a survival act necessary in order to escape from a repressive society. Falling prey to nostalgia for the past, the ordinary being leads an underground life, governed by the terror of imminent failure

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diss., 1999.

Thesis (Ph. D. - Renewable Natural Resources)--University of Arizona, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-209).

I Sverige växer en informaliserad arbetsmarknad fram, där människor står utanför staten och fackförbundens skydd. Frågan gällande organisering av papperslösa arbetstagare har blivit till en komplex fråga för de svenska fackförbunden. Denna uppsats redogör för hur svenska fackförbund organiserar papperslösa arbetstagare. Empiriska materialet hämtas framförallt från genomförda intervjuer och fackförbundens medlemstidningar. Fackförbundens engagemang i frågan beskrivs utifrån den bredare frågan om vilka underliggande antaganden som fackförbunden baserar sina beslut på. Den bredare förståelsen hämtas från Carol Bacchis metodmodell What's the problem represented to be? Bacchis metodmodell kompletteras med Dvora Yanows metodmodell tolkande policyanalys. Undersökningen visar på att organiseringen sker främst genom Fackligt center för papperslösa och oftast utgår ifrån tanken om att förhindra snedkonkurrens. Parallellerna dras även till Hannah Arendts diskussion om pariafolket och Wendy Brown och Jason Reads diskussion om nyliberalismens genomslagskraft på arbetsmarknaden. De fackförbund som undersöks är Svenska Byggnadsarbetareförbundet Stockholm-Gotlands, Stockholms LS av Sveriges arbetares centralorganisation, Hotell- och restaurangfacket, Svenska kommunalarbetareförbundet och Fastighetsanställdas förbund. / In Sweden, a non-regulated labor market is growing, with workers standing outside both the state’s and the labor unions’ protection. The question regarding undocumented workers’ rights has become a complex issue for Swedish labor unions. This paper clarifies what the unions do for undocumented workers. The answer investigates a wider understanding based on what deep-seated assumptions they base their organizing on. The empiric material is mostly interviews and articles from the labor unions membership publications. The wider understanding of what they do for undocumented workers is derived from Carol Bacchis method What's the problem represented to be? It is also complemented with Dvora Yanows method interpretive policy analysis. The results show that the organizing of undocumented workers is mainly through the organization Fackligt center för papperslösa (Union center for undocumented workers) and is often motivated by assumptions of uneven competition. Parallels are also drawn between Hannah Arendt and her theories about pariah and Wendy Brown and Jason Reads view of neoliberalism and its penetration of the labor market. The examined labor unions are Svenska Byggnadsarbetareförbundet Stockholm-Gotlands, Stockholms LS av Sveriges arbetares centralorganisation, Hotell- och restaurangfacket, Svenska kommunalarbetareförbundet and Fastighetsanställdas förbund.

Hohenheim, Univ., Diss., 2003.

In the Paria Plateau area of northern Arizona and southern Utah the Chinle formation of Upper Triassic age consists of a thick series of Ienticular sandstone, siltstone, claystone, and limestone. The series thins northwestward from about 900 feet at Lees Ferry, Ariz., to about 800 feet at Paria, Utah. Four members of the Chinle formation are recognized—1) the basal Shinarump member composed of conglomeratic sandstone and subordinate shale, 2) a unit, herein named the Lowery Spring member, composed of sandstone and mudstone, 3) the Petrified Forest member composed of bentonitic siltstone and claystone and thin sandstone, and 4) the Owl Rock member composed of cherty limestone and calcareous siltstone. Only the Petrified Forest member is present at all localities in the Paria Plateau area. The Shinarump member was deposited in topographic low areas on an erosion surface and its distribution is irregular. The Lowery Spring and Owl Rock members grade and pinch-out toward the northwest and are not present at Paria, Utah. The upper contact of the Chinle formation is locally unconformable. The three lowermost members were deposited on a broad, flat plain between the Cordilleran geosyncline and highlands to the southeast. In Owl Rock time the rising Cordilleran geanticline cut off the north-westward drainage of Chinle streams and a depositional basin trending southwest was formed.

[pt] Hannah Arendt, conhecida pela constatação da ruptura da tradição derivada dos acontecimentos sem precedentes, passou a formular pensamentos que exigiram um novo olhar. Afastando-se da filosofia política, Hannah Arendt passou a defender uma teoria política que tinha como capacidade confrontar-se com uma exterioridade radical, imprevisível e incalculável. Neste sentido, esta Dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o caminhar de Arendt, a partir do plano de sua trajetória pessoal, da filosofia para a teoria política, tentando compreender como que a experiência da judaicidade - e da consequente posição de minoria política, estigmatizada, refugiada durante o século XX - foi fundamental para a defesa de um mundo plural, pautado no diálogo entre os povos. A análise de parte de sua bagagem intelectual também é feita, chamando atenção para o vínculo da autora com a filosofia existencialista alemã e com o sionismo político, alemão e francês. O período analisado fica entre o nascimento da autora em 1906 e o ano de 1940, ano em que deixa o seu exílio na França. / [en] Hannah Arendt, known for the realization of the rupture of tradition by the unprecedented events, started developing thoughts that demanded a new point of view. Moving away from a political philosophy, Hannah Arendt started to defend a political theory that had capacity to confront a radical, unpredictable and incalculable exteriority. In this sence, this work aims to analyze the path of Hannah Arendt, from her personal trajectory, from philosophy to political theory, to understand how the experience of Judaicity - and the consequent position of political minority, stigmatized, refugee during the 20th century - was important for the defense of a plural world, based on the dialogue between different people. The analysis of part of her intelectual influences is also part of this work, focusing in the existential philosophy and the french and german political zionism. The period analyzed goes from the birth of the autor, in 1906, to 1940, the year that she leaves her french exile.

La guerre de 33 jours qui s’est déroulée au Liban en juillet-août 2006 a donné lieu à une panoplie de questions sur la légitimité du recours à l’usage de la force dont a fait preuve Israël au nom de son droit à la légitime défense. La problématique découlait surtout du fait que l’attaque initiale ayant déclenché cette guerre, en date du 12 juillet 2006, avait été menée par le Hezbollah, un groupe armé dont le statut étatique ou non étatique demeure difficile à cerner. Cette étude propose d’analyser si le Liban doit être tenu responsable pour le comportement du Hezbollah. Un survol de l’histoire du Liban et de la création du Hezbollah illustrera que la relation existant entre ces deux acteurs est d’une rare complexité, faisant en sorte que le rôle du Hezbollah au Liban est contesté de toutes parts. Ce débat aura une incidence certaine sur la question à savoir si le comportement du Hezbollah est attribuable à l’État libanais. Une étude approfondie des règles internationales régissant l’acte « d’attribution », notion centrale au droit de la responsabilité internationale des États, démontrera que la détermination de la nature du lien existant entre un État et une entité dont le comportement est contesté est d’une importance fondamentale. Dans une ère où les acteurs non étatiques sont devenus omniprésents sur la scène internationale et dans le cas du Hezbollah au Liban – une milice armée opérant au sein d’un État particulièrement à souveraineté limitée – le concept de l’attribution lui-même deviendra peut-être obsolète. / The 33 days of war that took place in Lebanon in the months of July and August 2006 have given rise to a wide range of questions about the legality of Israel’s use of force on behalf of its so-called right to self-defence. The issue at stake is mostly the result of the fact that the attack which provoked the beginning of the hostilities, on 12 July 2006, was performed by Hezbollah, an armed group whose status as a State or non-State actor remains difficult to pinpoint. This study puts forward the analysis of whether Lebanon must be held accountable for Hezbollah’s actions. A review of the history of Lebanon and of Hezbollah’s creation illustrates that the relationship between these two actors is particularly complex and that Hezbollah’s status is still widely contested. This will directly influence the answer to the question of the attribution of Hezbollah’s actions to the Lebanese State. An in-depth study of the international principles regulating the act of « attribution », a pivotal concept in the international law on the responsibility of States, will reveal that discerning the nature of the link between a State and an entity whose actions are contested is extremely important. In today’s world, where non-State actors have a major role on the international scene, and in the case of Hezbollah in Lebanon – an armed militia operating from within a State with limited sovereignty – the notion of attribution itself might lose much of its significance.

La guerre de 33 jours qui s’est déroulée au Liban en juillet-août 2006 a donné lieu à une panoplie de questions sur la légitimité du recours à l’usage de la force dont a fait preuve Israël au nom de son droit à la légitime défense. La problématique découlait surtout du fait que l’attaque initiale ayant déclenché cette guerre, en date du 12 juillet 2006, avait été menée par le Hezbollah, un groupe armé dont le statut étatique ou non étatique demeure difficile à cerner. Cette étude propose d’analyser si le Liban doit être tenu responsable pour le comportement du Hezbollah. Un survol de l’histoire du Liban et de la création du Hezbollah illustrera que la relation existant entre ces deux acteurs est d’une rare complexité, faisant en sorte que le rôle du Hezbollah au Liban est contesté de toutes parts. Ce débat aura une incidence certaine sur la question à savoir si le comportement du Hezbollah est attribuable à l’État libanais. Une étude approfondie des règles internationales régissant l’acte « d’attribution », notion centrale au droit de la responsabilité internationale des États, démontrera que la détermination de la nature du lien existant entre un État et une entité dont le comportement est contesté est d’une importance fondamentale. Dans une ère où les acteurs non étatiques sont devenus omniprésents sur la scène internationale et dans le cas du Hezbollah au Liban – une milice armée opérant au sein d’un État particulièrement à souveraineté limitée – le concept de l’attribution lui-même deviendra peut-être obsolète. / The 33 days of war that took place in Lebanon in the months of July and August 2006 have given rise to a wide range of questions about the legality of Israel’s use of force on behalf of its so-called right to self-defence. The issue at stake is mostly the result of the fact that the attack which provoked the beginning of the hostilities, on 12 July 2006, was performed by Hezbollah, an armed group whose status as a State or non-State actor remains difficult to pinpoint. This study puts forward the analysis of whether Lebanon must be held accountable for Hezbollah’s actions. A review of the history of Lebanon and of Hezbollah’s creation illustrates that the relationship between these two actors is particularly complex and that Hezbollah’s status is still widely contested. This will directly influence the answer to the question of the attribution of Hezbollah’s actions to the Lebanese State. An in-depth study of the international principles regulating the act of « attribution », a pivotal concept in the international law on the responsibility of States, will reveal that discerning the nature of the link between a State and an entity whose actions are contested is extremely important. In today’s world, where non-State actors have a major role on the international scene, and in the case of Hezbollah in Lebanon – an armed militia operating from within a State with limited sovereignty – the notion of attribution itself might lose much of its significance.