This study is about peace building in Sierra Leone, during and after the civil war (1991-2002). The initial hypothesis was that the impact of externally driven peace building activities was reduced because of insufficient attention to local culture and priorities. This hypothesis was underpinned by a number of assumptions based on the author’s personal experience and the views of Sierra Leoneans met in the early post-war period.

Under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979 in Cambodia, 1.7 million people died from starvation, overwork, torture, and murder. While five senior leaders are on trial for these crimes at the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, hundreds of lower level perpetrators live amongst their victims today. This thesis examines how rural Cambodians (including victims, perpetrators, and bystanders) are coexisting after the trauma of the Khmer Rouge years, and the decades of civil war before and after. In this qualitative research study, 134 semi-structured interviews were conducted with rural villagers, government officials, and peacebuilding practitioners. Cambodian culture is characterized by conflict avoidance, and reliance on family networks, hierarchy, and patronage. Buddhism is a strong cultural influence as well. These characteristics, as well as the lack of trust resulting from the Khmer Rouge years, provided important context for this analysis of Cambodian social recovery. Research on the processes of coexistence and reconciliation inform this study (Bloomfield 2006; Huyse 2003; Kriesberg 2001; Lederach 1997; Rigby 2001). However, few studies have been done that examine community reconciliation in Cambodia (Etcheson 2005b). This thesis examines the processes of reconciliation, including interfering and facilitating factors. Processes such as building relationships and trust, and developing empathy and compassion are explored. Cambodians’ views of apologies, revenge, forgiveness, and other key concepts are reviewed. Models of coexistence, acceptance, perpetrator coping strategies, and a victim decision-making tree are presented to assist in the analysis of the data. These models provide a theoretical framework for the understanding of the situation of coexistence and reconciliation in Cambodia. The thesis suggests that Cambodians are currently living in various stages of coexistence (surface, shallow, and moderate) and have not yet approached a condition of deep reconciliation. Practical applications of the findings are suggested.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management Sciences (Public Management), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / This study investigates the effectiveness of the strategies and methods that were employed by non-state actors as they engaged the state in nonviolent campaigns in order to address the socio-economic and political challenges experienced in Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2013. Using a combination of exploratory, descriptive and evaluative methods, the study argues that the nonviolent campaigns used in Zimbabwe were in the short term successful despite the state’s violent responses, which were at their peak during the run up to elections. The findings reveal that Women of Zimbabwe Arise, the Zimbabwe National Students’ Union and the National Constitutional Assembly among other non-state actors were effective in the short term. As a result Zimbabwe stands out as a plausible example where nonviolence as a strategy failed to end a brutal regime but enabled the non-state actor (the Movement for Democratic Change) to gain popular civilian support through its effective engagement of nonviolent strategies and methods. It was just its failure to estrange some of the pillars of violence (some members of the military, the police and the intelligence system) which curtailed the democratically elected opposition to get in into power. However, the brutal state responses directly and indirectly triggered a severe socio-economic and political down turn. This became apparent in the health, education, and water and sanitation services that were on the verge of collapse; increased corruption, growing displacement and emigration of Zimbabweans, and withdrawal of external support. The study concludes that the failure of nonviolent campaigns was partly a result of limited knowledge among Zimbabweans about what nonviolence involves, state brutality, poor planning and lack of patience by non-state actors and their resort to violence instead of sticking to nonviolence. It is nonetheless imperative to encourage civic society to cultivate a culture of nonviolence through the use of various agents of socialization which include the: home, school and the media. / M

This thesis aims to study Colombia’s post-conflict processes and peacemaking politics. Over the years, the numerous attempts at peace lacked solutions prioritizing a sustainable process for peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. Yet since 2003, the government has implemented and prioritized a three-pronged policy known as Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) in an attempt to bundle the disparate elements that appear to be necessary components for long-term peace. Chapter one evaluates the turbulent history of peacemaking, focusing on the factors rendering peace elusive, examining the failed peace attempts, and chronologically arriving at DDR. Chapter two provides an in-depth analysis of the “R” in DDR through a theoretical framework of cooperation, its dimensions and logistics, and a compilation of narratives. It insists that Reintegration be more than a word or a theoretical concept. Chapter three analyzes the current peace negotiations and the winding road to a failed deadline through current events and political scandals. Taking into account the sociopolitical atmosphere into which DDR policies need to be implemented, the final chapter analyzes future scenarios and concludes: DDR processes are key to transition to peace; Reintegration is the most difficult and important aspect, as it
involves the cooperation from all segments of society and leads to a long-lasting peace; DDR must consider the nation’s politics to be successfully implemented; and finally, whether the peace attempt with the FARC is yet another elusive peace attempt or 
whether it initiates a road to peace, Colombia will be able to achieve peace through community archipelagos of peace.

<p>Pastoralists (nomadic herders) live throughout the arid and semi-arid areas of Kenya, where they have historically been marginalized, with little development and security. Continuing traditions of cattle rustling and ethnic violence present significant barriers to development, and external peacebuilding efforts achieve limited results in such conflicts. A uniquely pastoralist grassroots peacebuilding process emerged to address pastoralist conflict, which generated sustainable peace in Laikipia yet was never studied. A review of extant literature conducted for this dissertation led to the conclusion that the peacebuilding field does not sufficiently study such grassroots volunteer peacebuilding, and support for such efforts is hampered by Western teleological approaches that have limited capacity to deal with emergence and complexity. This dissertation addresses these deficiencies by enhancing understanding and utilization of emergent peacebuilding in Kenya?s pastoralist cultures. In this study, Kenya Pastoralist Network and Mediators Beyond Borders?Kenya Initiative co-researchers collaboratively developed a participatory action research (PAR) project focused on a 2009 peacebuilding effort known as the Laikipia Peace Caravan (LPC). The dissertation explored how effective and sustainable grassroots peacebuilding emerges in pastoralist cultures. The PAR approach was utilized to support pastoralists in empowering themselves regarding the ways in which their neotraditional peacebuilding works, and how it can become more sustainable. Multi-ethnic co-researchers engaged in study design, data collection, inquiry and qualitative analysis, conducting semistructured multilingual interviews with 49 diverse Laikipia community members, officials and LPC professionals. Archival research was collected from a range of sources. This study found that effective and sustainable pastoralist peacebuilding emerged from expansive utilization of diverse pastoralist social networks, cycles of learning and adaptation, integration of practical wisdom and cultural sensitivities, and systemic transformation of transactional, attitudinal and structural societal domains through dialogue processes, modeling and grassroots self-organization. The dissertation outlines and provides evidence for a novel conceptual framework, emergent peacebuilding design, which involves a multidimensional systemic approach to peacebuilding that emerges from social networks, embraces diversity and complexity, is inclusive of traditional methods, and adapts as necessary to meet changes in context and process.

This thesis will inquire into the practicable strategies that Thomas Hobbes described in his major works of political philosophy, on the one hand, to allow his sovereign to ensure civil peace, and on the other, to enable his sovereign to defend the commonwealth. In terms of civil peace, the exercise of Hobbes's sovereign's 'absolute' authority is tempered by, and contingent on, its practical efficacy for securing and maintaining a peaceful commonwealth. To that end, I will argue that Hobbes's sovereign is obliged to rule according to the natural laws, and entailed in this obligation are coinciding liberties which Hobbes believed that subjects must perceive themselves to possess, and which sovereigns must respect, in order for peace to be realised. However, rather than situating the purpose of Hobbes's project in terms of civil peace alone—as the vast majority of his interpreters have—I consider alongside the purpose of civil peace, and contrast it with, the purpose of defence. Evident from this comparison is that the means by which Hobbes's sovereign must ensure the capability of the commonwealth to defend itself from foreign nations simultaneously undermines and counteracts his otherwise proto-liberal system. Distinct from other prominent interpretations, I will argue that this ambivalence is not a result of an imbalance between subjects' rights contra sovereign's rights, nor yet of an unsupervised agonistic counter-balance between the two. Instead, the affirmation of subjects' inalienable rights are depicted by Hobbes as a practically ineffective means by which to ensure defence. There exists a necessary ambivalence within Hobbes's theory of sovereignty itself and is to be managed solely according to the sovereign's ideally prudent and practicable judgment. Ultimately, I will characterize Hobbes as arguing that the unfortunate necessity of preparedness for foreign defensive wars is best mitigated by the sovereign's prudent and minimal exercise of the commonwealth's power in carrying out this intended purpose.

As civil conflicts continue to be the most prevalent form of war, women and children are disproportionately affected by intrastate violence. In response to such findings, the United Nations, at the behest of a transitional activist network, passed United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which outlined how to include more women in formal security practices.Because of the normative qualities of the Resolution, I employ a norms framework to explore the properties and evolution of when and how women are part of peace agreements. Before exploring the norm of engendered security, I present a review of feminist security studies and how engendered security is understood using a gender lens. To first establish what a norm is, I developed a three-level approach which illuminates the principles, properties and policies that constitute a norm; I then apply this model to the norm of engendered security. I then use this norm to study peace agreements, and develop graphs and tables illustrating the varied levels of engendered security in different peace processes.Then, to address the ways in which this norm has evolved, I employ a norm lifecycle model which includes four stages: innovation, emergence, enactment and routinization. Subsequent chapters explore the first three phases of engendered security's development into a norm. This includes a discussion of Guatemala as a norm innovator, in which a strong domestic women's movement and feminist leaders promoted a high level of engendered security in their peace process. Norm emergence focuses on the agenda-setting of a Peacewomen's Network who promoted Resolution 1325; it includes an analysis of the developing discourses of security and women, culminating in global recognition of women's insecurity in conflict. The final chapter explores norm enactment and the ways in which norms become common practices and policies in various security-related institutions. This chapter concludes with a study of Sudan's two peace processes and the role the international community played in producing very different levels of engendered security.Ultimately, the views of leaders during peace processes, the presence of an organized women's movement and agenda and gender-conscious mediators seem to account for higher levels of engendered security.

The central goal of this project is to better understand the relationship between civil war and repression at each phase of the "civil-war life-cycle," which is composed of the escalation and onset of civil war, the war itself, and the post-war period. The project then seeks to understand the role of repression in civil war onset, where repression is argued to be either a permissive condition or a direct cause of civil war, where the role of repression is tied to what type of civil war occurs. As a permissive condition, repression essentially provides the opportunity for a group to carry out an attack, invasion, mutiny, and the like. During other conflicts, repression may be a direct cause of the war. The repression of protest movements may lead those groups to view "normal," non-violent political channels as closed, while also increasing grievances and therefore their willingness to fight. This direct mechanism along with the escalation process that leads to civil war is explored in depth, using data from the 2011 Arab Spring. This project also seeks to explain when conflicts are likely to be accompanied by harsh repression and the targeting of civilians, and to address whether that strategy is effective. It is argued that insurgencies rely on civilian populations for material and non-material support; if the government targets this resource pool then it may be able to undercut that lifeline and thus the military effectiveness of the group. Yet, as repression is costly this is only a strategy likely to be employed when the rebels are gaining ground, when they are relatively strong and militarily effective. As such, governments that employ repression as a war-time strategy are likely beginning from a point of weakness or disadvantage. It is thus further argued that the "gamble" of repression is not likely to reverse the government's fortunes; rather, wars marked by high levels of repression are most likely to end in stalemate. Finally, the use of, or the restraint from using, repression in post-war periods is also explored. Little attention has thus far been paid to the use of repression in post-conflict states, despite the growing literature on the consequences of conflict and the importance of this time for rebuilding and establishing peace. Here, the transformation of the war-time threat, together with various constraints against using repression in the post-war period, are considered.

This thesis explores the relationships between pre-service teacher training, peace education, anti-racism education, gender equity education and conflict resolution. Specifically, this study investigates the mandatory School and Society course within the Initial Teacher Education Program at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto, to explore peace education training within the pre-service teacher education program. The methodology employed involves the combination of a curriculum analysis and reflective case study; both are utilized to illustrate the author’s experiences as a pre-service student, and the training received during this program. The findings illustrate that components of a peace education curriculum are observable in the Initial Teacher Education program. There is however, no formal requirement for delivering peace education within the program. As a result, this thesis offers recommendations for the development of formal peace education training in OISE/UT’s pre-service program.

<p> The world is becoming more interdependent. Governments and diplomats negotiate across cultures every day. Some argue that negotiators are professionals and share the common diplomatic culture, therefore their cultural backgrounds are irrelevant to international negotiation and in result culture has no significant influence on the process. The author argues that culture does matter and it could influence the different negotiation elements: individuals, process, and outcome &mdash; the larger the cultural gap between the parties, the larger the cultural influence. To substantiate his argument, the author uses a case-study analysis of the Jordanian-Israeli peace negotiation that led to the 1994 peace treaty. The author conducted eight semi-structured interviews with negotiators from the two countries who actively participated in the negotiation &mdash; including the heads of the two delegations. From this work, the author concludes that culture in the Jordanian-Israeli negotiation was manifested, and influenced the negotiators, the process, and the outcome in six different ways &mdash; culture was an enabler.</p>