The Nuremberg Judgment on the leaders of Nazi Germany proclaimed ‘crimes against peace’ – the planning and waging of aggressive wars – to be ‘the supreme international crime’.  This charge was premised on two innovative ideas: that aggressive war was a crime, and that individuals could be held responsible for it. Although heralded as an historic milestone at the time, it turned out to be a transient legal anomaly.  At the Nuremberg Tribunal, the number of acquittals, coupled with the relative leniency of the sentences, indicated the judges’ unease about convicting on the basis of ‘crimes against peace’.  At the Tokyo Tribunal, some judges questioned the validity of the charge and filed dissents.  Legal observers, meanwhile, were outspoken in their criticisms, and argued that it was an ex post facto enactment, selectively applied. Aside from retroactivity and selectivity, the main difficulty arose from the internal contradictions within the charge itself, which rendered it unsustainable as a component of international law.  On jurisdiction, it enhanced the sovereignty of nations by protecting them against aggression, while simultaneously undermining sovereignty by subjecting leaders to international law.  On enforcement, while judicialising punishment after the event, it simultaneously de-legitimised both aggression and attempts to prevent it.  These weaknesses were confirmed by the failure of ‘crimes against peace’ to become part of customary international law. If the Rome Statute is amended to include ‘crime of aggression’ within the International Criminal Court’s operative remit, these latter problems are likely to occur.

With a focus on legitimacy, accountability, and protection equality, this thesis aims to investigate the impact of domestic institutions on the likelihood that peace succeeds in the aftermath of armed conflict. The argument is that the presence of such domestic institutions should facilitate the construction of a peaceful post-conflict environment by reducing commitment problems in the peacemaking process. A quantitative analysis is conducted on 82 peace agreements signed between governments and rebel groups during the time period 1989 to 2004. The findings suggest that the extent to which social groups within the state are protected equally by the government most significantly impacts the likelihood that peace prevails.

One of the main challenges in the modeling and simulation community today is the study of human behavioral aspects, which are often not key considerations in traditional combat-oriented attrition-based models. In a martial law scenario, military or peacekeeping forces may be put in place to restore law and order and conduct a wide range of operations, such as setting up road blocks, imposing curfew, distributing food and manning checkpoints. This thesis focuses on the checkpoint operation and uses the agent-based modeling software PAX to assess the impacts of such a scenario on the population. Results indicate that civilians' level of anger and fear, needs and soldiers' rules of engagement play important roles in determining the success of peace support operations.

<p> The Republic of Ghana is the legacy of the colonial amalgam of multiple, and previously distinct, ethnic homelands. The Trans-Volta Togoland became the Volta Region of Ghana following a Plebiscite in 1956. The dominant ethnic group in this region; the Ewe, has long maintained a claim of neglect of the Volta Region and the marginalization of its people in this postcolonial state. Protests in the street and at media houses ensued against the State. This qualitative case study explores the undercurrents of this conflict in the context of the Ewe group&rsquo;s identity and their experiences of neglect and marginalization in the postcolonial state. The main objective of the study was to understand why the Ewe group has not revolted despite the perceptions of deprivation. This study focused on the Ewe group in the Volta Region of Ghana a as sub-colonial construct that has managed its perceptions of deprivation without revolting against the host State.</p>

The purpose of this study is to point out how, if in any way, the United Nations mission for observing a cease-fire between the indigenous Palestine Arab population and the growing number of Zionist immigrants in Palestine affected the conflict, or, more specifically, how the powers or limitations of this observation structure either favorably or adversely affected its performance.

The purpose of this study is to examine the validity of two of the major claims involved in the controversy that (1) "Right-to-Work" laws promote industrial peace, and (2) "Right-to-Work" laws hinder union growth.

Si l’explosion du système Est-Ouest marque la fin de l’idée de confrontation globale en tant que modèle de la guerre depuis la fin du second conflit mondial, on doit plus fondamentalement s’interroger sur les changements intervenus depuis les années 90 en ce qui concerne le statut de la guerre elle-même et sur le rôle des opérations de paix dans les relations internationales. Les crises politiques découlant de conflits internes sont des sources de déstabilisation et de fragilisation des institutions locales qui subissent le tumulte et affaiblissent la capacité des acteurs à sortir d’une telle situation politique. La nécessité de renforcer les capacités locales pendant cette période charnière afin d’éviter les crises récurrentes se traduit par la présence de la Communauté internationale qui déploie une multitude de stratégies. Il existe en effet, dans la grammaire des Nations Unies, un continuum de modes de gestion des crises qui va des formes les plus réservées de la persuasion à certaines modalités de diplomatie coercitive, impliquant un usage limité de la violence. Lorsqu’on examine les opérations de paix en RDC, un ensemble dynamique de tensions et de liaisons, oscillant entre ordre et désordre dans ses expressions institutionnelles, le constat qui se dégage est que la question de la paix exige une analyse qui prenne en compte plusieurs facteurs. D’où le recours à une approche interdisciplinaire, mobilisant des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’un grand intérêt dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique, elle-même fort utile pour appréhender les modalités de gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires. Notre étude s’attache à évaluer la pertinence et la cohérence des pratiques et conduites des acteurs internationaux pour mieux dégager les contours axiologiques et idéologiques de la gestion des crises itératives. / If the explosion of the East/West system marks the end of the idea of global confrontation as model of the war since the end of the second world conflict, we more fundamentally have to wonder about the changes which took place since the 90s as regards the status of the very war and about the role of the peace operations in the international relations. The political crises ensuing from internal conflicts are sources of destabilization and weakening of the local institutions which undergo the tumult and weaken the capacity of the actors to go out of such a political situation. The necessity of strengthening the local capacities during this pivotal period to avoid the recurring crises is translated by the presence of the international community which spreads a multitude of strategies. There is indeed in the grammar of United Nations a continuum in the modes of crises’ management which goes the most reserved forms of the persuasion to certain modalities of coercive diplomacy, implying a use limited by the violence. When we examine the peace operations in RDC, dynamic set tensions and connections, oscillating between order and disorder in its institutional expressions, the report which gets free is that the question of the peace requires an analysis which takes into account several factors. Hence the use of an interdisciplinary approach, involving both critical currents in international relations (critical constructivism) while combining the sociology of international relations. Our study attempts to estimate the relevance and the coherence of the practices and the conducts of the international actors in a better way axiological and ideological outlines of the management of the iterative crises.

O islamismo encontra-se nas terras brasileiras desde o seu período colonial, com a vinda dos africanos que foram trazidos como escravos para trabalhar nos engenhos de cana-de-açúcar e com os imigrantes sírios e libaneses que aqui chegaram ao final do século XIX. Mas foi a partir do 11 de setembro de 2001, com os ataques terroristas às Torres Gêmeas dos EUA, que ele recebeu maior projeção por intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa, o qual tomou o todo (islamismo) pela parte (terroristas). Esta pesquisa identificou, analisou e descreveu os processos sociais utilizados pelo islamismo brasileiro na (re)construção da imagem midiática que lhe foi atribuída a partir do onze de setembro. Para tanto ela serviu-se da pesquisa qualitativa com entrevistas com nascidos muçulmanos (ANEXO A) e revertidos (ANEXO B) de orientação sunita e xiita. O trabalho de campo foi realizado na Mesquita de São Bernardo do Campo, Mesquita do Pari, CDIAL e FAMBRAS, além de visitas realizadas nas 24ª e 25ª Bienal Internacional do Livro em São Paulo. Os dados foram analisados pelo viés das teorias de comunicação da escola funcionalista: Paul Lazarsfeld e Robert Merton. Apresentando como função dos meios de comunicação: a atribuição de status, o reforço das normas sociais e a disfunção narcotizante. Além destes autores fizeram parte da nossa pesquisa muitos outros como Gabriel Cohn, Arjun Appadurai, Enzo Pace e Paulo Pinto. Como resultados percebemos que os muçulmanos, as mesquitas e as instituições islâmicas no Brasil, tem engendrado esforços para associar o islamismo à noção de paz. / Islam has been on Brazilian soil since its colonial period, with the arrival of Africans who were brought in as slaves to work on sugarcane plantations and with the Syrian and Lebanese immigrants who arrived here at the end of the century XIX. But it was from September 11, 2001, with the terrorist attacks on the US Twin Towers, that he received the largest mass media projection, which took the whole (Islamist). This research identified, analyzed and described the social processes used by Brazilian Islamism in the (re)construction of the media image that was attributed to it from the eleven of September. To do so, she used qualitative research with interviews with Muslim born and revered Sunni and Shia orientations. Fieldwork was carried out at the Mosque of São Bernardo do Campo, Mosque do Pari, CDIAL and FAMBRAS, as well as visits to the 24th and 25th International Book Biennial in São Paulo. The data were analyzed by the bias of the communication theories of the functionalist school: Paul Lazarsfeld and Robert Merton. Presenting as a function of the media: the attribution of status, the reinforcement of social norms and narcotizing dysfunction. Besides these authors were part of our research many others such as Gabriel Cohn, Arjun Appadurai, Enzo Pace and Paulo Pinto. As a result, we realize that Muslims, mosques and Islamic institutions in Brazil have engendered efforts to associate Islam with the notion of peace.

This study is based on the perspectives of Syrian youth, on how they can contribute to and participate in future peace initiatives for Syria. The purpose of the study is to investigate opportunities and barriers to youth’s participation for peace, as well as the instrumental role of education in learning about nonviolent pathways for change. Thus, the research is conducted through the collection of narratives with a digital survey-interview method, followed by a thematic analysis with primarily inductive approach, putting the views and ideas of the youth at the centre of the study. The results from the narratives show that the youth have agency and hope to act for positive change in their societies, although they simultaneously feel restrained by suffering, due to imposed restrictions, increasing deprivation, and the on-going violent conflict. Following the analysis, the final themes are discussed against existing research on the topics of peace, participation, and education. The importance of education as a tool for peace and nonviolence was confirmed by the research participants’ strong emphasis on the benefits of education. Additionally, the youth propose that education for peace should include practical elements, and that practical skills are also part of building peace. The barriers in the narratives are discussed as something that can restrict people’s opportunities to return at all, however, the worries are accompanied by strong beliefs in cooperation, dialogue, and intergroup networks of care and respect. The final conclusions include emphasis on the need to support existing local and grassroots initiatives for peace, ideally through multi-sectoral approaches, incorporating support both from the humanitarian and the peacebuilding sectors. Furthermore, the youth participants show a great will to partake in creating positive change and building sustainable peace, nonetheless, they also need support to manage current barriers, including to put an end to the violent conflict.

ABSTRACT This research investigates the role played by external actors in contemporary African civil conflicts with specific attention to South Africa’s leading role in addressing Burundi’s intractable civil conflict. The inquiry was guided by looking at SA’s efforts in managing Burundi’s peace process in partnership with key external parties such as the Regional Initiative for peace in Burundi, AU and the UN; and by examining the level of success of SA’s involvement in the peace process and limitations encountered in pursuing diplomatic/political and military efforts aimed at resolving the civil conflict. The theories of conflict resolution and protracted social change, and scholarly and policy literature on intervention were drawn upon to frame the research. The struggle for political power explains the key root cause to Burundi’s civil conflict; rival politicians manipulated ethnicity and the past injustices, which are rooted in colonial policies of divide and rule, as tools in an attempt to accede to power and thereby, gain economic advantage at the expense of others. SA diplomatic efforts played an important role in addressing this by advocating for political and military power sharing. In order to reconcile and manage differences in approaches that were advocated to deal with the Burundi civil conflict, SA mobilized for support in Burundi’s neighbouring countries so as to back a peaceful solution to address the conflict. Further, in an effort to bolster its troops and, therefore, expand operations designed to promote peace in Burundi, SA had to merge into the African Mission in Burundi, and cooperate with the UN in order for the latter to render impetus to the peace process by, providing necessary resources and political support for the Burundi peace mission, and subsequently to assume the mission by taking over from the African mission. Although SA’s troop deployment provided protection for the former Hutu exile politicians and thereby, encouraged them to participate in negotiations and the transitional government, which participation increased chances of success in the peace process, however, SA did not do much in peacekeeping under the UN due to inadequate military equipments; civilians continued to be killed in the presence of SA troops, even though, under the UN their role extended to include civilian protection. To the extent that SA’s intensive diplomatic efforts resulted in the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi, however, a number of Burundian parties did not participate in the signing of the agreement and the rebel movements were excluded from the process. Thus, the Arusha peace process failed to attain consensus in addressing Burundi’s contentious issues. Although the UN peacekeepers in Burundi, of which SA was part, had a Chapter VII mandate to enforce the peace of which civilian protection was part of their mission, they did not exercise it. Intervention was constrained by the Burundian government; they argued that the ultimate authority in maintaining security throughout the country rested on them. Moreover, it is difficult if not impossible to observe UN traditional peacekeeping norms while at the same time having to implement the responsibility to protect, which has been occasioned by the post-Cold War world, in which human rights have gained wider recognition, and international norms of sovereignty and nonintervention redefined. Thus, strict observance of the UN traditional peacekeeping norms, inhibit intervention aimed to protect civilians facing catastrophic circumstances or under imminent threat.