Yes / Transboundary Peace Parks are established along international borders surrounded by biodiversity that needs to be protected, particularly in regions that were devastated as consequence of internal or international conflicts. They are conceived as peacebuilding strategies to bring former enemies together through the joint management of the shared environment. This dissertation explores the effectiveness of Transboundary Peace Parks in promoting more cooperative and peaceful inter-State relations. In order to demonstrate such effectiveness, three initiatives will be analyzed: Cordillera del Cóndor between Ecuador and Peru, the Greater Virunga Transboundary Collaboration between Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Rwanda and Uganda and the Balkans Peace Park Project (B3P) involving Albania, Kosovo/a and Montenegro. The concepts State sovereignty, borders and territory will be analyzed in this dissertation since they are key factors to take in account when establishing a Transboundary Peace Park. Apart from States, the involvement of local communities is essential when developing these initiatives. The participation of other stakeholders such as NGOs, international organizations and private donors, is also vital for the success of these initiatives. This dissertation also aims to draw the attention to the positive effects of Peace Parks in their area of influence since they receive mostly criticism.

<p dir="ltr">What are the local effects of UN PKOs? Prior research examines the violence reducing effects of peacekeepers at a national and yearly level, but that obscures the real-world effects of peacekeepers who operate at a local level. This dissertation theorizes how UN peacekeepers prevent, displace, and sometimes increase violence against civilians by state and rebel actors. "Who Keeps the Peace?" examines the gendered effects of UN peacekeepers, showing that women increase the operational effectiveness of PKOs. "Does Peace Remain After the Peacekeepers Leave?" explores the durability of subnational peace and theorizes how violence may displace upon peacekeeper arrival. "All About That Base... No Troubl" provides the first analysis of peacekeeping bases by theorizing the gravity of peacekeeping bases over time and space. Each chapter utilizes advanced causal inference methods to understand how peacekeeping impacts violence, from logistic regressions, instrumental variables, and difference-in-differences designs. I conclude by tying together each chapter and exploring what the results mean for the UN, policymakers, and future researchers.</p>

This study was designed to bring to the fore the reasons for introducing peace education in pre-service teacher education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges in order to establish the foundations for positive peace in Zimbabwe. The focus of the study was on the preparation of Zimbabwean pre-service teachers in peace education as an effective approach for building durable peace in Zimbabwe. The main research question that guided this study was: Why and how should peace education be introduced at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe? The overall aim of the research is to develop an appropriate peace education programme for Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges which will be employed as a strategy for constructing positive peace in Zimbabwe. A phenomenological methodology blending Edmund Husserl’s descriptive phenomenology and Martin Heidegger’s interpretive phenomenology was used to elicit participants’ views on the challenges and possibilities of introducing peace education at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe. Data for the study were gathered using semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews and documentary analysis. Key themes emerging from the data analysis were that (a) there is an absence of positive peace in contemporary Zimbabwe (b) Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges are not offering courses in peace education (c) peace education would benefit Zimbabwe as a country, (d) peace education is implementable at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe, (e) there is need to develop an appropriate peace education curriculum that reflects the needs of Zimbabwean citizens and (f) college principals, lecturers, student teachers, policymakers and programme-makers have important roles to play in peace education initiatives. Through this study, the researcher established that peace education is a plausible and sustainable mechanism for building positive peace which has remained obscure in Zimbabwe despite thirty-four years of hard won independence. This shows the necessity for introducing peace education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges as a strategy for positive peace building. It is therefore, recommended that teachers’ colleges in Zimbabwe should introduce peace education in their pre-service programmes in order to build prospective teachers’ capacities to establish an infrastructure for positive peace in their future classrooms, the immediate communities and Zimbabwean society as a whole. / Philosophy of Education / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

This study was designed to bring to the fore the reasons for introducing peace education in pre-service teacher education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges in order to establish the foundations for positive peace in Zimbabwe. The focus of the study was on the preparation of Zimbabwean pre-service teachers in peace education as an effective approach for building durable peace in Zimbabwe. The main research question that guided this study was: Why and how should peace education be introduced at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe? The overall aim of the research is to develop an appropriate peace education programme for Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges which will be employed as a strategy for constructing positive peace in Zimbabwe. A phenomenological methodology blending Edmund Husserl’s descriptive phenomenology and Martin Heidegger’s interpretive phenomenology was used to elicit participants’ views on the challenges and possibilities of introducing peace education at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe. Data for the study were gathered using semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews and documentary analysis. Key themes emerging from the data analysis were that (a) there is an absence of positive peace in contemporary Zimbabwe (b) Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges are not offering courses in peace education (c) peace education would benefit Zimbabwe as a country, (d) peace education is implementable at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe, (e) there is need to develop an appropriate peace education curriculum that reflects the needs of Zimbabwean citizens and (f) college principals, lecturers, student teachers, policymakers and programme-makers have important roles to play in peace education initiatives. Through this study, the researcher established that peace education is a plausible and sustainable mechanism for building positive peace which has remained obscure in Zimbabwe despite thirty-four years of hard won independence. This shows the necessity for introducing peace education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges as a strategy for positive peace building. It is therefore, recommended that teachers’ colleges in Zimbabwe should introduce peace education in their pre-service programmes in order to build prospective teachers’ capacities to establish an infrastructure for positive peace in their future classrooms, the immediate communities and Zimbabwean society as a whole. / Philosophy of Education / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

In the wake of the Cold War, regional organizations have proliferated and are now a dominant theme in global politics. This study tests whether explanations for the Nordic peace can help to understand or construct other zones of peace in these increasingly important regional settings. With that in mind, this study compares the Nordic area of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden with the Southern Cone region–here defined as Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay–and both are treated as regional, subsystemic zones of peace. Its significance lies in analysis of two developmentally disparate regions not yet compared in zones of peace literature. Using structured, focused comparison, this study is guided by fundamental questions about each region that assess the relationship between explanations for regional peace and their respective historical records. Understanding the conditions that permit the endurance of peace in today’s global context has far-reaching empirical and theoretical implications.

Since the time of colonialism the Colombian territory has experienced many problems, which brought a lot of instability in society throughout its history. Colombia has been bleeding all these years, but especially in the time known as “The Violence”. With the creation of the Guerrilla group FARC, of Paramilitary organisations, and Drug Cartels, the problems were intensified. Different attempts to find a solution have unfortunately failed, as is shown over a period of history. This paper argues that to deal with such conflicts there is need for an alternative concept for building sustainable peace. The model of John Paul Lederach, “Professor of International Peacebuilding at the University of Notre Dame“, is described as a possible solution that goes beyond what has been achieved by the peace efforts of President Andrés Pastrana. The Churches, both Catholic and Evangelical, have a role to play in building peace as part of a Transformational Mission effort. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country.

As the problem of civil war is almost exclusively a problem of repeat civil war, this study seizes on the role peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanisms play in promoting agreement resilience to crisis. Despite the growing focus on prevention and sustaining peace, dispute resolution mechanisms in peace agreements remain understudied. This thesis contributes to this research gap asking, under what conditions do dispute resolution mechanisms promote post-agreement crisis resilience? This study argues that dispute resolution mechanism characteristics of structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Utilizing a structured focused comparison, this study examines all partial or comprehensive peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanism cases in the UCDP Peace Agreement Dataset 1975-2011 which experience post-agreement crisis and contain peacekeeping. Results show partial support for the hypotheses that dispute resolution mechanism structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Findings as well carry several limitations and also point towards the significance of other explanatory factors most notably peace agreement type.

Cette thèse s'intéresse au programme et aux activités d'éducation à la paix menées par le gouvernement Kenyan analysés grâce à un cas d'étude qualitatif et une ethnographie "multi-site". Les violences postélectorales de 2007-2008 ont été le point de départ de considérable programme et activités œuvrant à la construction de la paix. Notre analyse débute à l'indépendance, en 1963; en effet, ce fut un point charnière de l'histoire nationale car le Kenya a été rendu aux Kenyans mais aussi car la violence structurelle du pays, ses injustices sociales, se renforcèrent dans les mains même des Africains. Nous revoyons l'histoire de la politique étatique pour saisir les notions de groupe ethnique, de communauté ethnique, de politique ethnique en plus des répartitions inégales des terres et des frontières intérieures. En conséquence, les principales causes de conflit ethniques sont revues aussi. En dehors de la violence physique, le Kenya est sérieusement défié au cœur de sa sécurité nationale; par l'urbanisation rapide et la croissance incessante des bidonvilles avec de forts taux de chômage chez les jeunes; et par de nombreux problèmes liés aux 500,000 réfugiés habitant sur son sol. Nous revoyons aussi brièvement comment la corruption est omniprésente et sous-jacente à tous les problèmes mentionnés ci-dessus. Le Kenya a fait la paix avec l'aide d'une médiation internationale et de l'implémentation inhérente des quatre agendas adressant les causes urgentes et celles de long terme du conflit Kenyan. Cette thèse explore pourquoi, et surtout, comment l'éducation à la paix s'est développée au niveau national; et si elle a eu un impact sur la violence structurelle. Notre inspection commence à la naissance du programme d'éducation à la paix au Ministère de l'Education, de la Science et de la Technologie, avec le HCR; et ensuite avec l'UNICEF. Après, la campagne nationale d'éducation à la paix a été construite en vue des élections générales, notablement paisibles, de 2013 et aussi grâce à d’autres activités. Le Kenya devint le leader continental de l'ADEA: ICQN-EP, en apprenant et partageant ses expériences avec d'autre pays africains. Une politique nationale d'éducation à la paix a été promulguée en 2014 avec l'UNICEF et l'UNESCO; l'éducation à la paix appartient désormais au patrimoine national kenyan. / This thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:43:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis Henrique Beust - EAHC2006.pdf: 1468553 bytes, checksum: 0b1bab36dcb4bfab15d9a6293929a4a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-14 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / The present work makes a case for the relevance of Albert Einstein and Sigmund Freud s exchange on war and peace for current efforts towards establishing a Culture of Peace as designated by the UN/UNESCO International Decade for a Culture of Peace (2001-2010). Two open letters exchanged between Einstein and Freud in 1932 served as the principle source for this investigation. In these letters exchanged under the auspices of the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Nations Einstein and Freud describe their rationale regarding the causes of war and the possible paths which might lead to the establishment of a lasting peace between the Nations. This paper analyzes the perspectives of Einstein and Freud in relation to war and peace in light of the theoretical framework given by Norberto Bobbio s characterization of the contemporary modes of pacifism ( paths to peace ). In spite of the fact that seventy years have passed since Einstein and Freud discussed their views on war and peace and notwithstanding the fact that some of Freud´s thinking has been challenged since, the author concludes by suggesting that the exchange between Einstein and Freud is directly in line with, and contributes towards, current efforts to promote a Culture of Peace particularly regarding their shared view that war is not intrinsic to human nature and therefore can be eliminated. In retrospect, the contribution that Einstein and Freud can make towards the goal of establishing a Culture of Peace stems as much from their exchange as it does from the fact that these two thinkers have become icon figures of the 20th century. / O presente trabalho busca situar a relevância das idéias de Albert Einstein e de Sigmund Freud sobre a guerra e a paz para os esforços contemporâneos de construção de uma Cultura de Paz, conforme postulados pela ONU/UNESCO para a Década Internacional da Cultura de Paz (2001-2010). Como corpus para esta investigação, tem-se as duas cartas-abertas que Einstein e Freud trocaram entre si em 1932 - sob os auspícios do Instituto Internacional de Cooperação Intelectual da Liga das Nações - nas quais apresentavam suas visões sobre as causas da guerra e os possíveis caminhos para o estabelecimento de uma paz definitiva entre as nações. Os postulados de Einstein e de Freud sobre a guerra e a paz são analisados à luz da categorização contemporânea das formas de pacifismo ( as vias da paz ) elaborada por Norberto Bobbio. Conclui-se que as idéias apresentadas por Einstein e Freud, apesar de passados setenta anos de sua redação, ainda se mantêm relevantes na contemporaneidade, apesar de alguns dos pressupostos, especialmente de Freud, terem sofrido desgaste com o passar do tempo. Argumenta-se que suas contribuições são especialmente relevantes para fortalecer a idéia fundamental por trás dos esforços de educação por uma Cultura de Paz, qual seja, de que a guerra não é intrínseca à natureza humana, e que, portanto, pode ser eliminada. Em retrospectiva, percebe-se que a contribuição que Einstein e Freud podem prestar à Cultura de Paz advém tanto de suas idéias quanto do fato de terem se tornado figuras icônicas da cultura do século XX.