The purpose of this study is to make an investigation of certain governmental policies in relation to parochial schools and to ascertain reasons why parents enroll their children in parochial schools instead of public schools.

To integrate the previously disadvantaged population that suffered from the apartheid in South Africa, the government has implemented policies to let them participate in the country’s growing economy. These policies are called the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies and are affecting both local and international businesses. Through a qualitative research method with a deductive approach, the research creates a deeper understanding of how Swedish firms adapt and commit as an effect of the BEE policies. Through already established internationalization theories, we created a theoretical framework as a platform to gather and analyze the empirical data. The theoretical implications show how the BEE policies can disrupt and challenge the commitment that is characterized in different entry modes. It also challenges previous research and brings up Swedish companies’ willingness to adapt with the policies and commit their resources in order to overcome the obstacles of BEE and benefit the growth of South Africa.

This study deals with the question of what governmental policies and military methods were adopted in the 1990s in order to overcome the PKK (Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan, or Workers Party of Kurdistan) that was regarded mainly as a terrorist organization against national security for it challenged Turkish state establishment via its ethno-political discourse. Based on this question, this thesis analyses each government&rsquo / s approach and counterinsurgency policies as well as Turkish military&rsquo / s tactics and operations in order to curb the PKK threat that complicated the Turkey&rsquo / s Kurdish question, and challenged Turkish state from three directions / namely southeast Turkey, northern Iraq, and Western Europe. Therefore, the thesis evaluates the PKK&rsquo / s armed and political activities / anti-terror measures in the southeast region and throughout Turkey / the social, political, and economic impact of these measures over the southeastern population / human-rights violations / each government&rsquo / s southeastern policies / the impact of the counterinsurgency policies on Turkey&rsquo / s foreign relations, particularly with Iraq, Syria, and the European Union. Although the anti-PKK policies during each governmental period did not differentiate much from each other, the aim is to show that Turkish civilian authorities failed to take the initiative on, and the military-dominated approach aggravated the social and political circumstances in the region, hence, strengthened the PKK&rsquo / s anti-state discourse that led to the rise of Kurdish nationalism.

Orientador: José Maria Ferreira Jardim da Silveira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T09:40:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Borges_IzaiasdeCarvalho_D.pdf: 3979836 bytes, checksum: 7c9e18b48e3ecdadc3004f5b5e8dd5de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Nos últimos 15 anos a engenharia genética vem sendo usada para o desenvolvimento de cultivos geneticamente modificados (GM) com diversos atributos de interesses para a produção agrícola, tais como tolerância a herbicidas, resistência a insetos e modificações nas características nutricionais de diversos cultivos. Os cultivos GM estão sendo utilizados na produção de produtos de grande importância no mercado mundial de commodities agrícolas, tais como algodão, milho e soja. Agricultores de diversos países, incluindo dos grandes produtores agrícolas mundiais, como Argentina, Brasil, Estados Unidos, China e Índia, estão sendo beneficiados com o uso de cultivos GM. Além dos benefícios econômicos, como a redução dos custos de produção e das perdas causadas pelos ataques de pragas, os cultivos GM estão apresentando também benefícios ambientais e sociais, ambos associados com a redução no uso de pesticidas. Mas a despeito da ampla aceitação pelos agricultores e dos benefícios ambientais e sociais observados, os cultivos GM estão enfrentando rejeição por uma parte da opinião pública e diversos governos estão adotando políticas regulatórias de restrições à produção, à importação e ao uso dos cultivos GM para a produção de alimentos. Assim, o objetivo desta tese foi entender as razões pelas quais tanto a opinião pública quanto os governos de diversos países estão se posicionando contra o uso dos cultivos GM na produção agrícola, a despeito dos benefícios observados pelos agricultores. Os estudos de opinião pública mostram que a rejeição aos cultivos GM é maior do que a rejeição as aplicações da engenharia genética em outras áreas, como por exemplo, na indústria farmacêutica. Esta diferença sugere que a rejeição aos cultivos GM está relacionada com as peculiaridades dos cultivos GM. A primeira é que na maioria dos casos eles são utilizados na produção de alimentos, um segmento no qual a variável segurança tem um grande peso nas decisões dos consumidores. A segunda característica é que a maior parte dos cultivos GM produzidos atualmente foram desenvolvidos para melhorar o processo produtivo, o que resulta em uma assimetria de percepção dos seus benefícios ao longo da cadeia produtiva, ou seja, os agricultores tendem a perceber mais os seus benefícios do que os consumidores. Uma terceira característica dos cultivos GM é que ao contrário das aplicações da engenharia genética na indústria farmacêutica, eles são expostos ao meio ambiente. Estas três características resultam em grande percepção de riscos, tanto para a saúde humana quanto para o meio ambiente, e baixa percepção dos benefícios. Entre os especialistas - público não leigo - também existem rejeição aos cultivos GM, embora em menor grau do que entre o público leigo. Um estudo empírico realizado no Brasil como 65 especialistas, incluindo pesquisadores de instituições públicas de pesquisa, professores universitários e profissionais de empresas privadas, mostrou que entre eles não só há discordância quanto aos benefícios e aos riscos dos cultivos GM, mas principalmente quanto aos tipos de riscos e de benefícios que devem ter maior peso nas decisões políticas com relação à estes cultivos / Abstract: Over the past 15 years genetic engineering has been used to develop genetically modified crops (GM) with several attributes of interest to agricultural production, such as herbicide tolerance, insect resistance and changes in nutritional characteristics of different crops. GM crops are being used to produce products of great importance in the agricultural global market, for commodities such as cotton, corn and soybeans. In several countries, including the world's major agricultural producers like Argentina, Brazil, United States, China and India, farmers are having the benefits of GM crops use. Besides economic benefits such as reduced production costs and reduced losses from pest attacks, GM crops are also presenting environmental and social benefits, both associated with a reduction in pesticide use. But despite the wide acceptance by farmers and the observed environmental and social benefits, GM crops are facing rejection by part of the public and many governments are adopting policies of regulatory restrictions on production, importation and the use of GM crops for food production. The purpose of this thesis was to understand the reasons why the public opinion and the governments of several countries are positioning themselves against the use of GM crops in agricultural production, despite the benefits observed by farmers. Studies of public opinion show that the rejection of GM crops is greater than the rejection of genetic engineering applications in other areas, such as the pharmaceutical industry. This difference suggests that the rejection of GM crops is related to their peculiarities. The first peculiarity of GM crops is that in most cases they are used in food production, a segment in which food safety weighs heavily on consumers' decisions. The second peculiarity is that most of the GM crops currently produced were made to improve the production process, resulting in an asymmetry in the perception of their benefits throughout the supply chain, ie, farmers tend to perceive more of such benefits than consumers. A third peculiarity of GM crops is that, because they are produced in extensive contact with nature, they arouse concerns about possible impacts on biodiversity. These three features result in increased awareness of risks for both human health and for the environment, and low perceived benefits. This study aimed to analyze the perception of risk and benefits of GM crops in Brazil. The methodology used was the application of questionnaires to experts. We used a multiple criteria method of hierarchical analysis for the preparation of the questionnaire. The results showed that among Brazilian specialists there is disagreement about the benefits and risks of GM crops, and especially regarding the types of risks and benefits that should have greater weight in policy decisions related to the use of GM crops in Brazilian agriculture / Doutorado / Teoria Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

The Swedish police authority is an extended arm of the Swedish government. The government implements governmental policies for its authorities, aiming at sustaining and improving the safety and wellbeing of society. In Sweden, one of the main policy safeguards is gender equality, which has been the focus of this study. It builds upon a well-established regulatory system for the representation of women in leading positions and argues for the benefits associated with tackling certain equality challenges. Up until now, most of the scholarly contributions on organization management, in relation to governmental policy, have dealt with leadership power and its efficiency, rather than equality. This study showed that the contemporary application of governmental policy has an impact on organizational culture. Through policy, gender equality could be increased as it encompasses potential benefits associated with leadership and power distribution. The study showed that this is also the case for the police authorities in Sweden in which applying gender policies has implications for managers' decisions when these are used to make the organizational leadership structures more equal. The application of policies to allow gender equality has also implications for employees regarding their work performances when advancing up in hierarchies.

There has been a recent trend in Western Europe that is out of place with the liberal society that exists there. Governments have been passing laws that are discriminatory against Muslims. This may seem to be a result of the September 11th attacks in America. However, this is not the case. Britain, France, and the Netherlands have all had their own events that have changed the perspectives of their people. These events did not all make the international news in the way that September 11th did. Yet these events are just as important to look at when asking why this level of discrimination is allowed to exist. Once the event is identified, one must look at how the society and government are structured .. What are the unique cases and situations in each country that allowed the event to take place? Who decided to change the laws? What effect have these laws had? What could these changes mean in the future? With the War on Terror, Islam has come under the microscope. Using textual analysis of other authors and scholars, I hope to answer these questions. However, one cannot look at just Islam alone in hopes of solving the very real problems facing these states today. These states have to deal with a new wave of immigration, and those that are coming in have a much different culture. Values· are hard to change. A workable solution needs to be found in order for both groups, Muslims and non-Muslims, to live in peace.

Cette thèse s'intéresse au programme et aux activités d'éducation à la paix menées par le gouvernement Kenyan analysés grâce à un cas d'étude qualitatif et une ethnographie "multi-site". Les violences postélectorales de 2007-2008 ont été le point de départ de considérable programme et activités œuvrant à la construction de la paix. Notre analyse débute à l'indépendance, en 1963; en effet, ce fut un point charnière de l'histoire nationale car le Kenya a été rendu aux Kenyans mais aussi car la violence structurelle du pays, ses injustices sociales, se renforcèrent dans les mains même des Africains. Nous revoyons l'histoire de la politique étatique pour saisir les notions de groupe ethnique, de communauté ethnique, de politique ethnique en plus des répartitions inégales des terres et des frontières intérieures. En conséquence, les principales causes de conflit ethniques sont revues aussi. En dehors de la violence physique, le Kenya est sérieusement défié au cœur de sa sécurité nationale; par l'urbanisation rapide et la croissance incessante des bidonvilles avec de forts taux de chômage chez les jeunes; et par de nombreux problèmes liés aux 500,000 réfugiés habitant sur son sol. Nous revoyons aussi brièvement comment la corruption est omniprésente et sous-jacente à tous les problèmes mentionnés ci-dessus. Le Kenya a fait la paix avec l'aide d'une médiation internationale et de l'implémentation inhérente des quatre agendas adressant les causes urgentes et celles de long terme du conflit Kenyan. Cette thèse explore pourquoi, et surtout, comment l'éducation à la paix s'est développée au niveau national; et si elle a eu un impact sur la violence structurelle. Notre inspection commence à la naissance du programme d'éducation à la paix au Ministère de l'Education, de la Science et de la Technologie, avec le HCR; et ensuite avec l'UNICEF. Après, la campagne nationale d'éducation à la paix a été construite en vue des élections générales, notablement paisibles, de 2013 et aussi grâce à d’autres activités. Le Kenya devint le leader continental de l'ADEA: ICQN-EP, en apprenant et partageant ses expériences avec d'autre pays africains. Une politique nationale d'éducation à la paix a été promulguée en 2014 avec l'UNICEF et l'UNESCO; l'éducation à la paix appartient désormais au patrimoine national kenyan. / This thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicera Vieira Santos de Morais.pdf: 1077202 bytes, checksum: cfda27aaacdf6d16fb30dd382aec4b9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation analyses the Program Começar de Novo , Starting Over, a governmental policy of income generation, aimed at the population of 40 years of age and over, taking part in the redistributive programs conducted by the municipality of São Paulo s Secretary of Development, Work and Solidarity, during the mandate of the mayor Marta Suplicy, from January 2001 to December 2004. It also works with the notions of globalization, professional qualification, competences and citizenship, which are the guiding principles of this governmental policy. Moreover, it analyses the metamorphoses of the contemporary world of work, understood as the whole of the changes in the production and management of the working force and their effect in the unemployment rates, which have reached even the skilled and formally educated people who have certified know how . This mismatch between education and long term unemployment motivated this study. Therefore, this dissertation approaches the analysis of the program Começar de Novo/Starting Over not only in terms of the constant internal and external forces that shape it, but also in terms of the main foci and conflicts that permeate this governmental policy of income generation / Esta dissertação versa sobre o Programa Começar de Novo, uma política governamental de geração de renda, destinada ao grupo etário constituído de indivíduos de 40 anos ou mais, que fez parte do conjunto de programas redistributivos da Secretaria do Desenvolvimento, Trabalho e Solidariedade da Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, na gestão da prefeita Marta Suplicy, no período de janeiro de 2001 a dezembro de 2004. Além disso, recupera as noções de globalização, qualificação profissional e competências, e também cidadania, que constituem as diretrizes básicas dessa política governamental. Serão analisadas também as metamorfoses contemporâneas do mundo do trabalho, entendidas como o conjunto de mudanças nas formas de gestão da produção e da força de trabalho, e seus efeitos nas taxas de desemprego, pois muitas pessoas escolarizadas, munidas de conhecimentos, informações e diplomas que documentam o seu saber fazer enfrentam tal situação. Esse descompasso entre grau de escolaridade e desemprego de longa duração motivou esta pesquisa. Portanto, no que se refere ao Programa Começar de Novo, esta dissertação trata não somente das articulações internas e externas constantes em sua configuração, como também dos principais focos e conflitos que permearam essa política governamental de geração de renda

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicera Vieira Santos de Morais.pdf: 1077202 bytes, checksum: cfda27aaacdf6d16fb30dd382aec4b9e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation analyses the Program Começar de Novo , Starting Over, a governmental policy of income generation, aimed at the population of 40 years of age and over, taking part in the redistributive programs conducted by the municipality of São Paulo s Secretary of Development, Work and Solidarity, during the mandate of the mayor Marta Suplicy, from January 2001 to December 2004. It also works with the notions of globalization, professional qualification, competences and citizenship, which are the guiding principles of this governmental policy. Moreover, it analyses the metamorphoses of the contemporary world of work, understood as the whole of the changes in the production and management of the working force and their effect in the unemployment rates, which have reached even the skilled and formally educated people who have certified know how . This mismatch between education and long term unemployment motivated this study. Therefore, this dissertation approaches the analysis of the program Começar de Novo/Starting Over not only in terms of the constant internal and external forces that shape it, but also in terms of the main foci and conflicts that permeate this governmental policy of income generation / Esta dissertação versa sobre o Programa Começar de Novo, uma política governamental de geração de renda, destinada ao grupo etário constituído de indivíduos de 40 anos ou mais, que fez parte do conjunto de programas redistributivos da Secretaria do Desenvolvimento, Trabalho e Solidariedade da Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, na gestão da prefeita Marta Suplicy, no período de janeiro de 2001 a dezembro de 2004. Além disso, recupera as noções de globalização, qualificação profissional e competências, e também cidadania, que constituem as diretrizes básicas dessa política governamental. Serão analisadas também as metamorfoses contemporâneas do mundo do trabalho, entendidas como o conjunto de mudanças nas formas de gestão da produção e da força de trabalho, e seus efeitos nas taxas de desemprego, pois muitas pessoas escolarizadas, munidas de conhecimentos, informações e diplomas que documentam o seu saber fazer enfrentam tal situação. Esse descompasso entre grau de escolaridade e desemprego de longa duração motivou esta pesquisa. Portanto, no que se refere ao Programa Começar de Novo, esta dissertação trata não somente das articulações internas e externas constantes em sua configuração, como também dos principais focos e conflitos que permearam essa política governamental de geração de renda

Submitted by Lafaiete Santos Santiago (lafaiete.santiago@ucsal.br) on 2016-11-17T16:39:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Valneda-UCSAL.pdf: 2025651 bytes, checksum: 189ecf507276854d37c55eede0ca493c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-14T16:00:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Valneda-UCSAL.pdf: 2025651 bytes, checksum: 189ecf507276854d37c55eede0ca493c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-14T16:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valneda-UCSAL.pdf: 2025651 bytes, checksum: 189ecf507276854d37c55eede0ca493c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-31 / Em um momento histórico de grande difusão e de promulgação de leis específicas no Brasil, em Portugal e na Espanha, a violência contra a mulher ganha território de lutas, efetividade e avanços nas relações cotidianas. Através de uma abordagem teórico-jurídica, baseada nas letras jurídicas dos três países, objetiva-se realizar estudo comparativo com recorte na primeira década do milênio. Analisam-se, então, esses conceitos – poder, violência e instituições - conforme aparecem no contexto jurídico, a fim de evidenciar os instrumentos legais instituídos para implementar a proteção da mulher e um olhar mais apurado acerca das relações de gênero. Devido a semelhanças culturais, as leis brasileiras, portuguesas e espanholas acerca deste assunto são examinadas e comparadas. Dentro da linha de pesquisa Família e Sociedade, essa tese insere-se ainda na evidência da incapacidade do Direito em produzir efetiva proteção e fazer reconhecer a equivalência social entre a mulher e o homem, almejando um tratamento mais profundo e multidisciplinar. Constrói-se um quadro de interpretação calcado no elaborado por Göran Therborn ao estudar a diminuição da fertilidade das mulheres na França e nos Estados Unidos e respaldado nas conexões entre um fenômeno macroscópico e as inumeráveis decisões individuais que, em conjunto, vão constituí-lo. Com esta metodologia, evidencia-se que apenas a legislação, embora necessária, não é suficiente para acabar com a violência contra a mulher. A conditio sine qua non é a mudança de uma atitude cultural enraizada, de modo a permitir que se implante uma cosmovisão em que mulheres e homens sejam igualmente reconhecidos como livres e equivalentes. / The passing of laws aimed to protect women against violence in Brazil. Portugal and Spain, airs this issue and favors a forward movement of women’s fight for efficacy and advances in everyday gender relationships. Through a law-theoretical approach owing to the juridical thought from these countries, this work aims to make a comparative study in the matter suitable to the historical circumstances in this first decade of the millennium. So, concepts as power, violence and institutions are analyzed in a law perspective to exhibit the juridical tools created to implement women’s protection and a deeper sight in gender relationships as well. Owing to cultural similarities Brazilian, Portuguese and Spanish laws on this matter are reviewed and compared. In consonance with the research program on Family and Society, this thesis provides the evidence of factual inability of law to produce effective protection and to acknowledge social equivalence between women and men, which leds to a deeper multidisciplinary approach. An interpretation scheme was built following the one created by Göran Therborn when studying the diminishing of fertility among women in France and United States. Therborn’s scheme is grounded on the connection between macroscopic phenomena and multiple individual decisions laying beneath it, which is the case in violence against women within a traditionally male-centered society. Through this methodology it was evidenced that law itself, even though needed, is not enough to preclude violence against women. A radical change in a deep-rooted cultural attitude is conditio sine qua non to establish a worldview in which women and men could be equally recognized as free and equivalent.