In Canada, the rise of political branding coincided with the adoption of the permanent campaign, creating an environment in which politicking is now normalized and politicization is expected. With Canada Day 2017 as a case study, this thesis adopts Marland’s Branding Lens Thesis (2016) as a conceptual framework to analyze if a national holiday became part of the Liberal Party of Canada’s master brand. The key conclusion of this thesis is that the Liberals integrated their ‘master brand’ into Canada Day 2017 by integrating political branding into their government communications. This thesis also shows that Justin Trudeau played a bigger role during Canada Day than expected by a Prime Minister. Significantly, this thesis shows the Liberal government altered the themes and messaging of Canada 150 to parallel that of their master brand, applying a Liberal tint to Canada Day and Canada 150.

with which results. Through the analyses of data collected from Facebook's profiles of regional

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-26T14:31:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-05-02T00:52:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T00:52:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 thamirisfrancomartins.pdf: 2200981 bytes, checksum: 268b5c2c7dd034a368c073cb56397326 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-23 / A partir das relações de poder que se estabelecem entre o campo político e a instância comunicativa midiática, a dissertação tem como ponto de partida o conceito de campanha permanente, definido como o uso dos recursos disponíveis no trabalho por parte dos atores políticos (governos, partidos, congressistas ou líderes), a fim de construir e manter o apoio popular. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo sobre a construção da imagem de Dilma Rousseff, do partido dos trabalhadores (PT), em três instâncias: pronunciamentos em rede de TV, Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) e jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Busca-se verificar como foi trabalhada a campanha, permanente, na função de Presidente da República, eleita em 2010 e de candidata à reeleição em 2014. Como corpus de análise, são analisados, primeiramente, os espaços institucionais ocupados como presidente da República, tomando como recorte os pronunciamentos em Cadeia Nacional de Rádio e TV (CNRT), durante seu primeiro mandato. Secundariamente, procura-se verificar se a imprensa, por meio da cobertura dos pronunciamentos, projetou uma imagem negativa, positiva ou neutra de Dilma Rousseff na posição de presidente, tomando como recorte as notícias publicadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo. Como terceira dimensão de análise, são investigados os HGPEs de 2014. Como estratégia metodológica, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin (1977), a fim de analisar separadamente os objetos e depois identificar os pontos de confluência e os aspectos dissonantes. Identificam-se dois momentos no governo Dilma: o de alta popularidade até as manifestações de junho de 2013, e a fase posterior, com queda da aprovação e uma disputa acirrada na eleição de 2014, quando saiu vitoriosa com um percentual muito reduzido de votos em relação ao candidato Aécio Neves do Partido Social da Democracia Brasileira (PSDB). Houve mais pontos de confluências no primeiro momento entre o discurso da petista e a cobertura da imprensa. O segundo período foi conturbado e houve uma cobertura mais negativa e crítica por parte da mídia. A comunicação eleitoral foi uma forma de buscar resgatar as ações do governo, havendo uma intensa propaganda negativa de ataques entres os adversários. / From the power relations that are establish between political field and the media communication system, this dissertation has as a key concept ‘the permanent campaign’, defined as the implementation of the any available resources for the political actors during their work (government, political parties, congressman or leaders) aiming to obtain and keep popular support. This research develops a study about the making of the image of Dilma Rousseff (PT) in three situations: pronouncement in TV network, HGPE and Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. This paper tries to verify how the permanent campaign has been undertaken as president of the Brazilian Republic, elected in 2010, and as a candidate running for reelection in 2014. As empirical data, firstly are analysed the institutionalized spaces occupied as president of the Brazilian Republic, defining as analytical material the pronouncements in National Network of Radio and Television (CNTR, in portuguese) during her fist mandate. Secondly, it tries to verify if the press, through its pronouncements coverage, created a negative, positive or neutral image of Dilma Rousseff in her position as president, taken as empirical data the news published by Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. As third material data, it will be analysed the programs of Free Political Advertising Time (HGPE, in portuguese) in 2014. As methodological strategy, we recurred to the Content Analysis (Bardin, 1977) with the goal of analysing separately the objects and then identify the convergence and dissonant aspects. We can identify two different moments in Dilma’s government: high popularity until june 2013 manifestations and the subsequent period with fall of approval and fierce competition on the 2014 election, when she won the elections with a minor percentage of votes in relation to the candidate Aécio Neves (PSDB). There were more confluence aspects in the first period between the president’s pronouncements and the media coverage. The second moment was troubled and there was a more negative and critical coverage by the media. The electoral communication was an attempt to retrieve the governments’ actions and there was an intense negative propaganda of attacks between the candidates.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T13:03:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Os campos da comunicação e da política tiveram suas fronteiras cada vez mais indefinidas, na medida em que se desenvolveu um espaço midiático, sobretudo com o crescimento da mídia massiva e de grande alcance. A midiatização da sociedade implica novas formas de relação e interdependência, que certamente altera a arena política – o fluxo de informações e a construção das imagens passa por uma rede de influências e modos comunicativos diversos. Desta forma, as instituições políticas, inclusive os partidos, desenvolvem suas narrativas numa ambiência midiatizada, que coloca em xeque a própria importância dos mesmos como instrumentos de representação. Esse questionamento é conjuntural no Brasil. Desde 2014, ano de eleições presidenciais, aprofunda-se uma crise política e institucional de proporções históricas. O impeachment da presidenta eleita Dilma Rousseff alterou a normalidade democrática do País e foi acompanhado de um descontentamento generalizado da população para com a classe política – processo de insatisfação popular iniciado desde as Jornadas de 2013. Neste sentido, este trabalho questiona como os partidos mais tradicionais do país construíram suas narrativas no espaço da Propaganda Partidária Gratuita (PPG) – se em função da crise de representação, eles buscaram resgatar aspectos ligados à memória histórica como instrumentos de legitimação de suas ações. O corpus de análise seleciona todas as propagandas exibidas entre 2014 e 2017 do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) e Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). A aplicação da Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977) se dá numa vertente qualitativa e quantitativa. Dentre outros assuntos e correntes teóricas abordadas, faz-se um estudo do conceito de campanha permanente, aqui aferido sob o ponto de vista das disputas de poder para além das eleições. Também se discute o conceito de representação e a crise do presidencialismo de coalizão, que tem ligação direto ao contexto analisado. / The communication and political fields have had their boundaries increasingly indefinite, as a media space has developed, above all with the growth of a massive and far-reaching media. The mediatization of society implies new relationships and interdependence forms, which certainly alters the political arena – the information flux and images construction goes through an influences and diverse communicative modes network. In this way, political institutions, including political parties, developed their narratives in a mediatized environment, which questions their very importance as representation instruments. This question is conjunctural in Brazil. Since 2014, the year of presidential elections, a political and institutional crisis of historical proportions has deepened. The impeachment of elect-president Dilma Rouseff altered the country’s democratic normality and was followed by a general displeasure by the population towards the political class - popular dissatisfaction process initiated since the 2013 Days. In this respect, this study questions how the most traditional political parties of the country built their narratives in the Free Party Advertisements (FPA) – if, by reason of the representation crisis, they sought to rescue aspects related to historical memory, as instruments of legimation of their actions. The analysis contents selects all featured advertisements from 2014 to 2017 of “Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)”, “Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB)” and “Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB)”. The application of Content Analysis (BARDIN, 1977), takes place in a qualitive and quantitative strand. Among other subjects and theoretical currents approached, a study of permanent campaign concept is made, from de point of view of power disputes, beyond the elections. It’s also discussed the concept of representation and the crisis of coalition presidentialism, which has a direct link to the analyzed context.

The submitted thesis "Political marketing in the Czech Republic: comparison of application of political marketing on municipal and senate elections in 2014 " concentrates on the analysis of application of political marketing on municipal and senate election campaigns in 2014. The thesis analyses in detail the tools that were used in campaigns. The first chapter defines the theory and origins of political marketing. The second chapter concentrates on tools, strategies and new ways of using political marketing. The third chapter introduces the term permanent campaign and its effects on growing professionalism in election campaigns. In the fourth chapter author presents researched political subjects and the last chapter analyses the election campaigns.

Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono. / The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.

我國行政院在1982年即訂定《行政院所屬各機關民意調查作業要點》，透過社會科學研究方法的運用，瞭解相關人員對政府施政之意見，以作為政策研擬、評估及提升服務品質與機關內部管理等之參考。隨著1987年宣布解嚴，以及後續政黨政治、公職選舉、媒體發展等等因素，使得民意調查的應用更為廣泛，並且成為台灣民主政治發展歷程中相當重要的一環。同一時期，Sidney Blumenthal於1980年出版《永無止盡選戰》(The Permanent Campaign)一書，指出民選首長當選之後，即不斷為連任作準備，為了達到此一目的，不僅過去的輔選團隊會隨著進入到白宮擔任政治顧問的角色，並且選戰思維也會影響著民選首長的決策作為，讓選戰模式變成是一種治理方式，當中最明顯的特點就是民意調查的執行與應用。 台灣從解嚴之後，選舉次數亦十分地頻繁，從地方到中央，從民意代表到行政首長，儼然已經形成一個相當完整的職涯歷程。為探求我國民選首長就任之後，是否會藉由民意調查機制協助他們解決問題並進行相關的決策，本研究透過次級資料分析法、深度訪談法、民意調查法，針對我們地方政府的民意調查執行及應用情形進行調查。研究發現我國地方政府在民意調查的執行部分受到行政程序及財政狀況之影響，因此不若選舉時期來的有彈性。其次，在民意調查機制的應用部份，受訪者表示對於政策環境的釐清相當具有幫助，可以協助他們決定政策方案的採行。最後，為了瞭解「從眾效應」策略性民調結果的公佈是否會影響到一般民眾既有的認知，本研究透過兩階段民意調查的實驗，分別針對雲林縣、台中市的民眾進行電話民意調查，依據差異分析顯示，無法證實民意調查結果的公佈的確對於民眾既有的認知會造成改變。 / In the field of public opinion polls initiated in the 1930s, seeking collective preferences of citizens and customers for the government and the business sector by means of mail, telephone, or face-to-face interviews has brought about a significant impact on human political and business life in the 20th century. In the 1980, Sidney Blumenthal published the book "The Permanent Campaign". In this book, Blumenthal explained how the changes in American politics from old-style patronage and party organization to that based on the modern technology of computer driven polling created a fundamentally new system. The concept of a permanent campaign describes the focus which recent presidents have given to electoral concerns during their tenures in office, with the distinction between the time they have spent governing and the time they have spent campaigning having become blurred and political consultants had replaced the party bosses and brought with them a new model by which campaigning became the forms of governing. Is campaigning becoming the forms of governing in Taiwan? To answer this questions, this dissertation is beginning with the theory discussion of the perspective of the “permanent campaign” and the “democratic governance”. Then, with the help of the method of interview and secondary data analysis, author discuss the application and limitation of the public opinion poll using in the governance of the local government. Public opinion poll can help the elected leader to find out the problems but it is limited by financial condition of the government itself. The author also designed a two-stage public opinion poll and divided the respondents into experimental group and contrast group. The author hypothesizes that respondents will change their choices because of the impact of “Conformity” and used an evidence-based analysis to testify the hypothesis. Finally, the author gives his conclusion and suggestion.

with which results. Through the analyses of data collected from Facebook's profiles of regional

En un context de "democràcia hipermediàtica", en una societat que creix en clau audiovisual de la mà d'uns mitjans de comunicació que alhora evolucionen a gran velocitat de la mà de les noves tecnologies de la comunicació, la política no esdevé un ens aliè a aquesta realitat. La política, avui més que ahir, es converteix en un procés comunicacional on per exemple els líders polítics ja no poden deixar de ser alhora líders mediàtics si volen triomfar-hi. Però dirigents a banda, l'exercici de la política sotmet el seu llenguatge i el seu tempo als d'uns mitjans de comunicació que així s'hi imposen. La construcció de les agendes pública, política i mediàtica consisteix en una constant interacció i en una contínua disputa on uns i altres miren de fixar-hi els seus continguts i el seu ritme. Però així com l'ascendent dels mèdia sobre l'agenda ciutadana queda evidenciat a través de múltiples estudis emmarcats en l'àmbit de l'agenda-setting, la influència dels mitjans de comunicació en la construcció de l'agenda política és un àmbit menys estudiat des d'un punt de vista acadèmic. En aquest sentit, partint de la teoria de l'agenda-setting i del seu estadi evolucionat de l'agenda-building ens hem proposat demostrar com els mèdia tenen una influència sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Així és com el màrqueting polític esdevé una peça clau d'aquesta dinàmica, ja que quan les campanyes polítiques duren els quatre anys de legislatura, quan els polítics i la seva activitat es veuen constantment exposats a l'escrutini d'uns mitjans de comunicació que els fan estar de campanya permanent, llavors s'imposen en les rutines polítiques la simplificació del llenguatge, la personalització i la tàctica per damunt de l'estratègia. I tot això té conseqüències que condicionen d'arrel l'exercici de la política. Això té conseqüències sobre aspectes bàsics que regeixen la vida de les persones. I aquest va ser el cas de l'Estatut de Catalunya aprovat l'any 2006. Un text legislatiu que va ser fortament mediatitzat i que arrel de l'exposició pública de tot el seu procés de conformació, a través d'un enquadrament majoritàriament negatiu, va veure fortament condicionat a la baixa el seu resultat final. / En un contexto de "democracia hipermediática", en una sociedad que crece en clave audiovisual de la mano de unos medios de comunicación que a la vez evolucionan a gran velocidad de la mano de las nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación, la política no es ajena a esta realidad. La política, hoy más que ayer, se convierte en un proceso comunicacional donde por ejemplo los líderes políticos ya no pueden dejar de ser a la vez líderes mediáticos si quieren triunfar. Pero dirigentes aparte, el ejercicio de la política somete su lenguaje y su tempo a los de unos medios de comunicación que así se imponen. La construcción de las agendas pública, política y mediática consiste en una constante interacción y en una continua disputa donde unos y otros miran de fijar sus contenidos y su ritmo. Pero así como el ascendente de los media sobre la agenda ciudadana queda evidenciado a través de múltiples estudios enmarcados en el ámbito de la agenda-setting, la influencia de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de la agenda política es un ámbito menos estudiado desde un punto de vista académico. En este sentido, partiendo de la teoría de la agenda-setting y de su estadio evolucionado de la agenda-building nos hemos propuesto demostrar cómo los media tienen una influencia sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Así es como el marketing político se revela como una pieza clave de esta dinámica, ya que cuando las campañas políticas duran los cuatro años de legislatura, cuando los políticos y su actividad se ven constantemente expuestos al escrutinio de unos medios de comunicación que los hacen estar de campaña permanente, entonces se imponen en las rutinas políticas la simplificación del lenguaje, la personalización y la táctica por encima de la estrategia. Y todo ello tiene consecuencias que condicionan de raíz el ejercicio de la política. Eso tiene consecuencias sobre aspectos básicos que rigen la vida de las personas. Y éste fue el caso del Estatut de Cataluña aprobado el año 2006. Un texto legislativo que fue fuertemente mediatizado y que a raíz de la exposición pública de todo su proceso de conformación, a través de un encuadre mayoritariamente negativo, vio fuertemente condicionado a la baja su resultado final. / In a context of "hypermediatic democracy", in a society that grows in an audio-visual sense by mass media that at the same time evolve quickly by the new technologies of the communication, politics is being strongly influenced by the media. Politics, today more than yesterday, becomes a communicational process where for example the political leaders no longer can simultaneously stop being media-leaders if they want to prevail. The mass media language and tempo prevail on politics. The public agenda-building, the policy agenda-building and the media agenda-building consists of a continuous interaction and fighting to set contents and rhythm. But as well as the influence of the mass media in the public agenda is demonstrated through multiple studies framed in the scope of the agenda-setting, the influence of mass media in the policy agenda-building is a less studied scope from an academic point of view. In this way, starting with the Agenda Setting Theory and its evolved stage of the Agenda Building, we have seted out to demonstrate how the media have a strong influence on politics, from the base, more important than the influence of politics on the media. In this way, political marketing becomes a key piece of this context. When political campaigns exists trough the four years of the mandate, when the politicians and their activity are continuously exposed under the scrutiny of mass media, when they are involved in a permanent campaign, then prevail in the political routines the simplification of the language, the personalization and the tactics over the strategy. And all it has consequences on politics. That has consequences on basic aspects that govern the life of the people. And it was the case of the approved Estatut of Catalonia 2006, a legislative text that was strongly followed by the media. As a result of the public exhibition of all its process of conformation, through a mainly negative frame, its final result was strongly devaluated.

Ce mémoire cherche à déterminer si la logique de la majorité de la Cour suprême dans l’arrêt Harper c. Canada (Procureur général) demeure valide aujourd’hui, près de deux décennies après que cet arrêt, qui avalise le régime de plafonnement des dépenses électorales des tierces parties, ait été rendu. À cette fin, le régime de plafonnement prévu par la Loi électorale du Canada est examiné en détail, de même que les motifs de la majorité. Ces préliminaires achevés, le cœur de l’analyse est entamé. Trois phénomènes sont étudiés pour déterminer si le raisonnement de la majorité dans Harper doit être remis ou non en question : l’avènement d’une dynamique de « campagne permanente », la monté des technologies de l’information et le déclin des partis politiques. Il est conclu que la logique déployée dans l’arrêt Harper demeure valide, mais qu’elle appelle certains changements à la Loi électorale actuelle. À cet effet, les plafonds préélectoraux des tiers devraient être éliminés et l’usage de sites internet personnels ou de compte de médias sociaux devrait être assujetti à un régime de plafonnement. / This work seeks to determine whether the reasoning of the Supreme Court majority in Harper v. Canada (Attorney General), which validates third parties’ spending limits during the election period,still avails almost two decades after being rendered. The limits on third parties' spending as established by the Canada Election Act are examined in detail. The majority’s reasons are also discussed at length. Then, the core analysis begins. Three new social phenomena are examined to determine whether the Court’s reasoning in Harper should be called into question. These phenomena are: the advent of a “permanent campaign” in Canada, the rise of new information technologies and the decline of political parties. It is concluded that Harper’s logic remains highly compelling, though it may entail some modifications to the current electoral law, such as the abolition of pre-electoral spending limits and the application of some form of limitation to electoral spending regarding personal web sites and social media account.