現今台灣社會福利民營化漸以公設民營為趨勢，將政府與非營利組織連結的契約，係社會福利公設民營政策得否成功的關鍵，引導出契約管理之重要性，研究者以「代理人理論」解釋契約結構及組織實際運作之核心作為分析途徑，選取行政院組織改造在第一波優先推動個案中，唯一屬社會福利領域的「內政部宜蘭教養院公設民營政策」為個案，探討其分工利益與利益衝突、契約管理內容與代理關係、代理問題與解決機制，以及所衍生的代理成本。 經由探討內政部宜蘭教養院公設民營之契約管理，釐清內政部社會司與伊甸社會福利基金會之代理關係，發現專業人力為兩者之分工利益，兩者間存有資訊不對稱的情形，但由於內政部掌握主導契約之權力，可有效降低代理問題的發生。而藉由契約規定，包括嚴格的甄審過程、嚴謹完備的監督機制，可有效降低逆選擇與道德危機的發生。並發現誘因機制未產生誘因相容、協商權力存有差距、以及評鑑成效有待加強等問題。最後發現其生產成本明顯降低、代理成本有增有減、營運管理成效略遜於內政部公營，顯示社會福利公設民營確實可為政府節省人力及相關成本，但成效未必較佳，要達成「低成本、高品質」之雙贏目的，有待運用代理人理論之要點，如「選擇、協商、監督、誘因、評鑑」等機制來加強契約管理，此亦為本研究個案之研究價值所在。 最後對內政部社會司提出考量適合社會福利公設民營之法制、重視規劃階段之民間參與能力、加強使用者監督、創造「非經濟性誘因」機制等建議；並對伊甸社會福利基金會提出主動瞭解相關法令與行政程序、善用結合社會資源之能力、納入院生家屬服務滿意度等建議，作為內政部宜蘭教養院公設民營之參考。

本論文在第一章指出本文問題意識與研究動機、研究問題與研究目的、研究範圍與研究限制、研究方法與章節安排等說明。在第二章，本文回顧Arrow是最早提出資訊不對稱的概念，其後學者關注資訊對組織的影響。首先，回饋相關的代理人理論的文獻、代理人理論應用的種類、代理人理論與民營拖吊業者在我國的相關研究。在第三章，則是分析本文的重點為代理人理論的起源、代理人理論的代理關係分析以及代理人理論中的資訊不對稱與道德危機的問題、並進一步探討代理人理論在公私部門之間應用的辯證關係，以便可以將代理人運用於公部門之中。 探討完第三章之後，本文更指出契約分析才是代理人理論要探討的重點。因此，本文在第四章特別探討到代理人理論以契約為核心的問題一完全契約與不完全契約對代理人的影響。此外，以契約為關係的民營化與政府外包所造成的影響對於委託人與代理人的影響又為何?然而，契約一旦委託外包之後，與契約的績效衡量便產生了一種關係。在這樣的關係之下，政府作為契約者之一又需要具有什麼樣的態度？ 之後，在第五章，本文將分析台北市拖吊個案與代理人理論的關鍵核心一道德危機對委託人與代理人的影響運用在台北市拖吊個案來說明。在第六章結論，本文將針對代理人理論的關鍵核心一道德危機運用在台北市拖吊個案中的研究發現，並提出理論反思與後續研究建議。 檢視台北市政府的拖吊個案後，本研究發現：1、建立雙方的「信任」關係，並將對方視為「伙伴」：是否落入「圖利廠商」的困境？2、道德危機的起點：回歸遊戲規則一法規面；3、監督機制與道德危機的關鍵點：員警的態度；4、台北市民的支持與否；5、契約內容並未隨著時間變遷而定期檢討。此外，本文並認為代理人理論乃有其缺失，須補充之內容以及提出本文三項後續研究建議－組織的官僚體制(bureaucracy)、公共政策民營化理論中的契約外包(contracting out)、國會中行政與立法的互動關係。 關鍵詞：拖吊業者、代理人理論、契約理論、契約外包、道德危機、資訊不對稱

政府機關委外執行民意調查已成為民主國家治理的趨勢之一；但民意調查的高度專業性和特殊性質，導致過程中有許多「看不見的黑手」介入的機會，故如何監督、控制民調的品質以確保信效度遂成為一項重要課題。全國各級政府機關中，以台北市在委外執行民調業務上的規定最為公開、完備，不僅訂有專法，更獨步全國成立「民意調查諮詢委員會」，協助各局處在委外執行民調過程中把關調查品質、解決問題。在這種「一個委託人（委託局處）、兩個代理人（執行廠商和民調諮詢委員）」的架構之下，本研究從交易成本理論出發，探討台北市的委託局處在這套委外與審查機制下必須付出的交易成本類型、背後的影響因素、與調查品質之間的關係。 本研究深度訪談5位民調諮詢委員、5個委託局處、研考會和4家執行民調的廠商共17人次，輔以次級資料分析，發現各局處在委外執行民調過程中的作法、程序和重視程度皆不一，付出的交易成本類型眾多，其中的「事前審查成本」、「搜尋廠商成本」、「事後審查成本」、「控制成本」在邏輯關係上較能對應後續之民調品質，其多寡深受「委託局處的重視程度」、「廠商的執行能力」影響。此外，為提昇調查品質，委託局處若付出較多事前成本（包括：事前審查成本和搜尋廠商成本）後能先行把關委託局處的需求與調查規格，且規模比起事後成本（包括控制成本、事後審查成本）來說較為減少許多，對調查品質將有正面影響；若未付出事前審查成本，則需於決標後耗費更多時間、精力與資源才有辦法確保調查品質。 然而，研究結果卻顯示民調諮詢委員會不見得能達到提昇調查品質的目的，仍有執行能力不佳、圖謀不軌的廠商無法達到審查委員的要求而遭到解約。因此，本研究歸納「民調諮詢委員會」兩項主要的缺失，包括未能事前把關調查規格與執行預算之間的合理性，無法克服「逆向選擇」執行廠商的問題；加上定位不明，難以保證可以完全發揮把關之功能與職責，委託局處未必完全依照委員的意見來要求廠商修正，以致淪為無人負責的窘境。 最後，本研究提出主要的政策建議，包括研考會的角色應更加積極、強化，確立民調諮詢委員會的定位，嚴肅思考業界委員協助審查的必要性，民調諮詢委員協助審查調查案的預算編列和招標文件；委託局處需掌握整個流程和民調諮詢委員的功能，顧及調查規格和預算的合理性並不以預算為唯一考量，與民調諮詢委員、執行廠商和研考會保持密切關係。

本研究透過公共選擇途徑，檢視行政機關面對主管之行政命令遭大法官會議宣告違憲後的裁量行為，藉此瞭解行政機關面對司法審查的制衡監督，將表現出哪些樣態的裁量模式；並藉由公共選擇途徑關於理性自利人的假設，以「交易」的概念連結行政與法律，以補充兩者過去缺乏交集、各說各話的現象。 本研究追蹤至民國97年底為止判決行政命令違憲的解釋，共66筆。依大法官解釋是否賦予行政機關修改命令的裁量，以及命令是否修改，將66筆解釋分成四大類，並統計修改所費的時間。透過統計分析以及深度訪談，本研究發現：大法官未賦予行政機關修改裁量，雖然確能提高命令修改的比例，但是對於控制行政機關在一定的年限內完成修改卻未有顯著的結果。行政機關雖然原則上會停用違憲法規，但卻不一定願意將新的作法明文化，其間的理由包括節省修正命令的成本，或是爭取更多決策商議的機會等。縱使最後依然完成修正，「依法行政」卻不是其真正的動機；減少組織成本或政策執行成本、增加組織的正當性等才是行政機關決定修改、不修改命令，或是否在期限內完成修訂的真正理由。而大法官解釋對行政機關的制衡力量，也因為大法官作成解釋之後再無有效的監督機制而打了折扣。同時，司法審查與行政之間的制衡關係必須放在整個民主授權結構中進行理解；正因兩者關係並非處於真空環境，授權結構的資訊不對稱、多重委託與多重代理的問題，同樣會發生在司法對行政的監督關係中，因此大法官在結構上就無法完整地扮演制衡、監督行政機關的角色。 基於以上發現，本研究認為司法對行政的制衡，除了司法審查制度本身以外，應當依照行政機關的偏好模式設計監督機制。包括將違憲的命令交由行政院研考會統一管考、監察院可針對行政機關延遲修正命令的行為進行糾正，並要求遭判違憲的行政命令之修正、失效與廢止皆須對外公告，避免行政機關以節省成本為由，讓法規失去扮演政府與人民之間的契約的功能。 / This research intends to answer the question of “how Supreme Court Rulings have impacts on bureaucratic discretion?” As the superior judicial review authority, Supreme Court Rulings are usually thought as an authority which bureaucrats must obey. Is it really the case? In this research, both bureaucrats and Supreme Court are seen as rational actors who have preferences over different outcomes, as the Public Choice theorists usually depict. Author utilizes public choice theory to bridge the gap between the fields of public administration and public law on the issue.. Empirically, this study collects the administrative decrees which were announced unconstitutional by Supreme Court before the end of 2008 in Taiwan. Sixty-six Supreme Court Rulings are found and categorized into four groups by two dimensions: (1) whether the grand judges give the bureaucrats discretion and (2) whether the bureaucrats follow the grand judges’ will to reform the decrees. Both secondary data analysis and in-depth interviews are used in this research to figure out bureaucrats’ preference and the way they respond to the grand judges’ decisions. The statistical result shows that after been announced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, about 15% of the administrative decrees stay the same. The reasons for this “unresponsiveness” to the Supreme Court Rulings are varied case by case. Basically speaking, bureaucrats take laws as means to fulfill their tasks. They are not motivated to follow the rule of law if there is a requirement to pay an excessive costs to achieve the policy goals. It is interesting to know that judicial review is high on its moral ground but sometimes it is a mechanism without an administrative devises to enforce their rulings. Also, the problems of information asymmetry, multi-principle and multi-agent will also be found in the relationship between Supreme Court and bureaucrats. To sum up, on the one hand, this research has shown that to follow the rule of law is not bureaucrats’ priority. As a result, an administrative mechanism is needed to enforce the Supreme Court Rulings. For example, the Research, Development and Evaluation Commission (RDEC) of Executive Yuan or the Control Yuan can be assigned to do the job. However, on the other hand, the Supreme Court always stands on the side of protecting human rights against government activities, sometimes the rulings might lead to government activities unworkable as we can see from the cases of the Rulings 400 and 440. How to balance the issue of protecting citizen’s rights and governability of the administrative agencies is one of the key problems needed to be solved in order to realize democratic governance in the future.

為了探討與分析長期以來存在，關於行政院高階政務官、事務官員調動的「普遍說」與「特殊說」爭議，並且探究哪些制度性、組織性因素，對於行政院的高階政務、事務官員更替，會有所影響。本研究嘗試在制度的代理人理論架構，以及相關理論預設之下，以一九八八年第一季到兩千零一十年第四季，時序橫跨李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九等三位總統主政期間，包括行政院本部暨所屬三十二個部會的高階政務、事務官員，作為研究對象，進行實證的分析。 在本文的第一到第四章，我們分別說明了研究動機與背景、進行相關文獻回顧、探討研究理論，以及說明研究問題與模型。而在第五章則是分析、探討，台灣於一九九零年代初期，到一九九零年代中期，因為持續進行憲法增修條文的制訂，進而使得總統在憲法本文，以及憲法增修條文，所構成的憲政制度上，獲得了行政院高階行政官員的人事任免權。而且總統在取得了這個制度上的重要權力之後，行政院高階行政官員的任命、調動，就成為總統掌控行政體系的重要制度性工具，同時更是高階行政官員控制的重要手段。 此外，我們更進一步在第六章，分析了台灣從一九八零年代晚期，到兩千零一十年間，分別在不同階段，先後掌權的李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九等三位總統，對行政院高階行政官員，所採取以高階行政官員任命、調動，作為手段的控制模式，並且探討於第四章所提出的假設一、假設二、假設三，分別獲得實證資料支持的情況。至於第七章則是先透過總體資料的分析，探究假設四到假設十一，能否獲得實證資料的支持，同時更以部會為單位的季度別資料，建構縱橫資料的多元迴歸模型，用以分析哪些因素，對於行政院高階行政官員的更替，是有所影響的。 然而，在相關的實證分析之後，我們可以確切的認為，以往關於行政院高階行政官員控制上，所存在的「普遍說」與「特殊說」的爭論，是以普遍說可以獲得理論上，以及實證資料的支持。而就各種可能對於行政院的高階政務、事務官員更替，會有所影響的制度性、組織性因素而言，總統處在什麼樣的政治時機、面對哪些性質的部會，將會是關鍵。當總統必須更為重視行政體系的穩定，以及施政品質時，必然會選擇壓抑行政官員控制的強度。反之，當總統所面對的是，委託代理人難題疑慮的攀升，且有較大的空間容忍行政體系的不穩定時，那麼可以預期的是，大範圍、數量龐大的高階行政官員清洗，將會接踵而至。 最後，透過相關資料的分析，我們也發現了，在一次、二次政黨輪替，於西元兩千年到兩千零八年，相繼的發生，以及相應出現範圍廣泛、人數繁多，全面性高階行政官員清洗，也使台灣社會，在短期間之內，必須付出可觀的政治交易成本。這樣的情況，也使得台灣民眾的民主信念，是有所動搖，同時這也對於台灣的民主政治發展，是一個不容被忽視的隱憂。 / This reasearch offers an analysis of the long-standing discourse on transferal patterns of government officials in Taiwan, with the focus on the much-debated “general theory” vs. “special theory” approach. We will look at the systemic and organizational factors that influence the appointment, replacement, and transferal of both administrative and executive officers in the higher echelons of government. Specifically, this paper examines the time period from 1988 to 2010, employing a systematic agent framework in combination with related theoretical parameters to explore the concrete situation in the Executive Yuan and its 32 ministries, commissions, and other agencies under three consecutive administrations (i.e. presidents Lee Teng-hui, Chen Shui-bian, and Ma Ying-jeou). In the first four chapters, we will outline background and motive of this paper, give an overview of past research on this topic, scrutinize relevant theoretical approaches, and illustrate research problems and models. In the fifth chapter, we explore and analyze the period from the early to the mid-1990s, a time that saw repeated amendments and additions to the constitution that gave the president increasingly greater powers of appointment and removal of cabinet members. These powers have become one of the most important political tools the president wields, allowing the nation’s leader to exert highly effective and immediate control over the Executive Yuan, in particular over its highest-ranking officials. In the sixth chapter, we will cover the entire period from the late 1980s to the 2010. During this time, three presidents were successively at the helm (Lee from 1988-2000, Chen from 2000-2008, Ma since 2008), and we will scrutinize the different appointment and transferal modes applied during their terms, in particular as regards their use as a tool of political control. In addition, we will further discuss the first three hypotheses initially proposed in chapter four, and show if and how they are borne out by the data and facts assembled in this research. Chapter seven contains a comprehensive analysis of the entire set of data to facilitate our discussion of hypotheses four to eleven as first proposed in chapter four, and to determine whether or not these are supported by the empirical data. At the same time, we look at the quarterly figures from Executive Yuan ministries and commissions to create a multiple regression model of the cross-section data, which will help us to analyze which specific factors influence the substitution and transferal of high-ranking officials. After a thorough analysis of the empirical data, we will find that of the two theories usually applied to the problem of systemic and political control over the higher echelons of the executive, i.e. the general and the special theory mentioned above, the general theory is in fact better supported by the relevant set of data. As for which particular systemic and organizational factors may influence the replacement or substitution of high-ranking administrative and executive cabinet members, the crucial parameters affecting this question are the larger political climate that the president faces, as well as the type and political weight of the concerned ministries and commissions. At times when administrative stability and quality are the paramount considerations, the president will necessarily deemphasize his control over the executive and refrain from making too many personnel changes, while in times of political crisis, or when there is growing concern over the competence and suitability of his entrusted agents (i.e. leading members of the Executive Yuan’s subdivisions) and thus more tolerance for change, one will almost always see large-scale cabinet reshuffles as the president attempts to flush out unfit or unwanted elements. Finally, an analysis of the overall data also shows that the two transitions of power Taiwan has seen in 2000 and 2008 respectively were—as a matter of course—accompanied by extensive personnel changes as numerous high-ranking government officials were removed from office to make place for new faces. These far-reaching waves of “political purging” and complete reorganization of the cabinet within short periods of time have come at a considerable political cost for Taiwan’s society as a whole. This has somewhat shaken the population’s faith in democracy as a political system, and here lies a significant potential concern for the future development of Taiwan’s democracy.

政府隨時更新建設以因應各式公共建設及政策，但並非所有建設都能如預期 使用，審計機關適時扮演著監督者之角色，因此，行政機關與審計機關在決算時 的互動，成為可以適時督促政府的管道。在過去文獻中，鮮少有人討論審計機關 與行政機關在決算互動之情況，本研究先探討良好的決算為理論基礎，共分三層 次：決算目標、決算使用審計方式及審計人員能力為架構，以探討行政與審計兩 者間互動時之反應，並以我國頂尖大學計畫為例，運用訪談法及二手資料分析， 以解釋決算的過程、成果之重要性，及雙方互動後的結果。 本文藉由訪談頂尖大學及審計機關，針對研究問題提出下列實務上之政策建 議： 一、放寬法規上之規定：頂大計畫之經費之流用應加寬彈性，畢竟頂大計畫僅是 達成計畫的手段。 二、決算進行時，審計機關與行政機關開拓新溝通管道：利用電子化溝通平台減 少審計與行政機關溝通之時間。 三、審計機關與行政機關嘗試以和平互惠角度共存：本研究認為在往後之行政審 計互動關係應嘗試以和平互惠之關係進行，而此使兩者之間能夠以互惠面合 作的前提 四、重視頂大計畫工作圈意見：在未來工作圈會議時，將以頂大辦公室及會計人 員共同進行討論，有利於雙方之瞭解。 / The administrative organizations renew infrastructures based on public and policy, but now all infrastructures can be anticipated to use. The audit plays the supervisor to the administrative organizations. Therefore, the reaction of financial statement will be a good way to surprise the administrative organizations. The documents seldom discuss this issue in the past. This research discusses how to attain the theory of good financial statement with three levels: the goal of financial statement, the way audit organizations to use and the ability of the auditors. This research takes “The Aim for the Top University Project” for example to discuss the reactions of two organizations, and use In-depth interviews and researching secondary materials to explain the process, the importance and the outcome after reactions. First, broaden the rules: the expenditure should be more flexible. The project is just a method approach to the goal. Second, the two organizations should explore new communication channel: use E-communication medium to decrease time. Third, the two organizations should try to stay in peace for collaborating. Fourth, respect the opinion form the teams of top universities. Let staffs of both sides discuss, which will make them understand each other.

我國行政院在1982年即訂定《行政院所屬各機關民意調查作業要點》，透過社會科學研究方法的運用，瞭解相關人員對政府施政之意見，以作為政策研擬、評估及提升服務品質與機關內部管理等之參考。隨著1987年宣布解嚴，以及後續政黨政治、公職選舉、媒體發展等等因素，使得民意調查的應用更為廣泛，並且成為台灣民主政治發展歷程中相當重要的一環。同一時期，Sidney Blumenthal於1980年出版《永無止盡選戰》(The Permanent Campaign)一書，指出民選首長當選之後，即不斷為連任作準備，為了達到此一目的，不僅過去的輔選團隊會隨著進入到白宮擔任政治顧問的角色，並且選戰思維也會影響著民選首長的決策作為，讓選戰模式變成是一種治理方式，當中最明顯的特點就是民意調查的執行與應用。 台灣從解嚴之後，選舉次數亦十分地頻繁，從地方到中央，從民意代表到行政首長，儼然已經形成一個相當完整的職涯歷程。為探求我國民選首長就任之後，是否會藉由民意調查機制協助他們解決問題並進行相關的決策，本研究透過次級資料分析法、深度訪談法、民意調查法，針對我們地方政府的民意調查執行及應用情形進行調查。研究發現我國地方政府在民意調查的執行部分受到行政程序及財政狀況之影響，因此不若選舉時期來的有彈性。其次，在民意調查機制的應用部份，受訪者表示對於政策環境的釐清相當具有幫助，可以協助他們決定政策方案的採行。最後，為了瞭解「從眾效應」策略性民調結果的公佈是否會影響到一般民眾既有的認知，本研究透過兩階段民意調查的實驗，分別針對雲林縣、台中市的民眾進行電話民意調查，依據差異分析顯示，無法證實民意調查結果的公佈的確對於民眾既有的認知會造成改變。 / In the field of public opinion polls initiated in the 1930s, seeking collective preferences of citizens and customers for the government and the business sector by means of mail, telephone, or face-to-face interviews has brought about a significant impact on human political and business life in the 20th century. In the 1980, Sidney Blumenthal published the book "The Permanent Campaign". In this book, Blumenthal explained how the changes in American politics from old-style patronage and party organization to that based on the modern technology of computer driven polling created a fundamentally new system. The concept of a permanent campaign describes the focus which recent presidents have given to electoral concerns during their tenures in office, with the distinction between the time they have spent governing and the time they have spent campaigning having become blurred and political consultants had replaced the party bosses and brought with them a new model by which campaigning became the forms of governing. Is campaigning becoming the forms of governing in Taiwan? To answer this questions, this dissertation is beginning with the theory discussion of the perspective of the “permanent campaign” and the “democratic governance”. Then, with the help of the method of interview and secondary data analysis, author discuss the application and limitation of the public opinion poll using in the governance of the local government. Public opinion poll can help the elected leader to find out the problems but it is limited by financial condition of the government itself. The author also designed a two-stage public opinion poll and divided the respondents into experimental group and contrast group. The author hypothesizes that respondents will change their choices because of the impact of “Conformity” and used an evidence-based analysis to testify the hypothesis. Finally, the author gives his conclusion and suggestion.

改革開放後，文革中一度瀕臨絕跡的宗教再度復現於神州大地上，並有了長足的增長。而隨著中國大陸近年來政經情勢的轉變，向被視作黨國傳輸帶的官方宗教團體，其自主性也有相當發展，在國家與信徒間的角色亦有轉變，並影響各宗教的發展方向。本研究以基督教為研究對象，援引新制度主義之研究架構，以基督教領域中黨國、三自教會、家庭教會等主要行動者為焦點，梳理各行動者之間的制度性關係，以探討當前中國大陸宗教團體自主性成長之因，以及各行動者在基督教發展中所扮演的角色。 透過代理人理論的分析，本研究指出，中央和地方黨政宗教事務部門之間存在著代理人問題，造成中央政策無法在地方貫徹執行。國家社會關係朝向統合主義的轉型，則給予了官方宗教團體自主空間，同時促成教界利益崛起。與此同時，基層教會也發展出自主意識，同時習得運用若干技巧，以消解來自官方宗教團體的壓力。此外，前述黨國內部的代理人問題與統合主義的轉型，同樣給予家庭教會生存的空間，而在宗教市場邏輯的運作下，家庭教會將始終有其存在的利

學校教育為國家培養人才庫最具組織成效之社會系統，而學校教育目前亦成為輿論批評最為強烈之教育體系。本論文嘗試以法學為經，以經濟學、公共行政學、教育學等為緯，針對近年受新自由主義影響所開展之行政改革理念，進而觸及之公立國民學校法制改革課題，主要係以公部門及私部門有互相合作、共創雙贏之可能性為觀點，討論民間參與國民教育興辦之最新合作模式。 公立學校之改造模式，在教育改革之理論與實際均有多元發展，但美國特許學校制度則為近年獲聯邦及多數州支持之新法制，且特許學校被評價為公立學校成功之改造類型。該制度主要係透過解除法令管制手段，容許主管機關以特許使私人參與公立學校辦學，辦學者可透過引進專家、競爭觀念、自主、選擇及績效責任等機制，形成獨立性高之新型公立學校教育體制，賦予此類學校展現更具多元化及創造性之辦學環境，其亦屬廣義公立學校委託私人經營模式之一。本論文借重美國成功發展之特許學校法制及實際辦學經驗，期待我國學界及教育主管機關於積極繼受此法制之同時，亦得深切體認我國自身之教育環境與文化背景，建立適合本土教育之制度，並更兼顧教育之卓越與公平。 本文之法學分析途徑，除藉由比較法之觀察外，並以我國憲法及行政法規範體系作為論述基礎，試圖開發我國國民教育法及特許學校法制之原理原則，以作為目前相關立法草案之參考，及期望有助於我國相關類型學校興辦之完善。 / A Charter School’s Research of Law Institutions in None-Governmental Participant in Education School education is an organized social system for nations human resource cultivation, which has becomes the most fiercely criticism in present though. Besides, the ideal of transformation under the influences of latest New Liberalism, has been approached the debate of institutional reform in public school in consequences. So, our thesis applied some methodologies such as laws, economics, public administrations, pedagogies and some other knowledge domains, primary focusing on public and private sectors’ collaboration issues, enabling to create a win-win outcome as prospect, and discussing the latest cooperation model for non-governmental participant in education. In fact, public school transformation model in theory and practice for educational reform is already advanced. However, American Charter School System, appraised as a successful transformational type of public school, is supported by new law institutions of Federal and many other states in recent years. Through its decretal deregulation may permit competent authority’s establishers who privately participate in public school establishment with “brain-gaining” experts, competitive concept, independence, selection, accountability and other mechanisms by using Charter. Therefore, a new typical educational system conferred the environment school establishment in more plural and creative way is arised. Our thesis adduced from a successful establishment of American Charter School’s experience before acdemic fields and competent authorities of education implementing the law institutions. In addition, in order to consider the difference of educational environment or culture background, selecting the appropriate pedagogy for country is the first priority we expected. Finally, as a reference for related legislation and expectation to support school establishment, we are not only using a comparison method for extensional observation, but also trying to develop a pattern for nations’ pedagogy and Charter School institution. Keywords: Charter School, Nations Education, non-government education, public school, New Liberalism, Cooperated Nations, Public Private Partnership, the third route, educational reform, transformation of organizing, deregulation, Privatization, parents’ educational right, parents’ right to choose, elasticity, plural principle, neutrality principle, relenting principle, municipal governance, administrative contract, performance doctrine

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