In the contemporary East Asian security context, free trade is a double-edged sword that simultaneously secures and threatens the primary security referents and interests of periphery and semi-periphery states. This thesis aims to provide a much deeper and comprehensive understanding of the linkages between security and trade by examining the experiences of smaller and weaker countries in East Asia, in particular, Taiwan, Singapore, the Philippines and Malaysia. I argue that in their quest to enhance, promote and secure their state-centric (“statist”) and/or people-centric (“humanist”) security referents, these countries have learned to re-imagine and re-invent the utility of free trade at the start of the twenty-first century. Accordingly, trade has become an integral function of national security, particularly for East Asian states that have a marginal geo-economic size and geo-political position. However, to this point very little has been done in explaining the impetus and dynamics behind these linkages based on the overarching assumption of “cohabitative security” or the view that security encompasses both statist and humanist dimensions. Furthermore, there is a dearth of comprehensive theoretical and empirical analyses concerning linking efforts and strategies by the non-major powers in East Asia. This thesis attempts to address those gaps. Using a qualitative comparative method, I analyse both statist and humanist forms of security-trade linkages. On the one hand, I examine how small East Asian countries utilise free trade to promote, enhance and secure the primary referents of their national security policies and strategies. And on the other, I investigate the roles of security issues and threats (traditional and non-traditional) in the continuing relevance and proliferation of free trade in the region. To fulfill these objectives, the thesis performs three main tasks. First, I theoretically reconfigure the security concept by amalgamating the statist and humanist dimensions of security to establish a “cohabitative security” framework that will serve as the operative definition of security for this research. Second, I empirically analyse the linkages between cohabitative security referents (statist and humanist) and various types of free trade (multilateral, minilateral and bilateral). Third, and lastly, I outline three main themes based on the findings generated from the case analyses: (i) high levels of internal and external insecurity; (ii) multidimensional and multidirectional nature of security concepts, contexts, and threats; and (iii) marginal geo-economic size and geopolitical position. The thesis concludes by arguing that free trade is irrefutably being utilised by periphery and semi-periphery countries to promote, enhance and secure their statist and/or humanist security referents and interests. The rationales and motives behind these linkages vary significantly from one country to another. For example, in Taiwan, free trade might be viewed as a sovereignty-upgrading mechanism; in Singapore, a defence-upgrading tool; in the Philippines, a development-upgrading instrument; and in Malaysia, a diversity-upgrading apparatus. However, it is important to note that while the constructed rationales for these linkage efforts usually sound altruistic (that is, to advance national security interests) the real motives behind them are often less than benevolent (that is, to advance a regime, a party or a privileged group’s vested interests). Furthermore, the steady proliferation of preferential bilateral and minilateral trade amid all the difficulties impeding multilateral trade at the WTO has provided small countries in East Asia a strategic platform for pursuing a broad range of security interests – altruistically or otherwise. However, considering that free trade works like a double-edged sword, I make the corollary argument that states attempting to co-habit their security interests and trade agendas are essentially “trading security”. The reason is that for every additional security that a linkage provides, a corresponding insecurity is reflected in other referents. This is clearly illustrated by the four cases examined in the study. With respect to “statist linkages”, Taiwan’s linkage efforts can lead to the island’s complete assimilation with China; while Singapore’s linkage attempts may result in the city-state’s failure to strategically balance conflicting American and Chinese interests in the region. With respect to “humanist linkages”, the Philippines’ linkage attempts have preserved uneven economic development and reinforced the oligarchic system and patronage culture; while Malaysia’s linkage efforts have perpetuated racial inequalities and further legitimised the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional. Finally, in attempts to address both traditional and non-traditional security threats, East Asian countries (via their membership in APEC and ASEAN) have made some noteworthy progress in broadening and widening the respective agendas of these two regional organisations. Despite the limitations of their compliance mechanisms (or lack of them in some issue areas), the fact that both state and human security issues are now being openly discussed vis-à-vis free trade policies underlines the ongoing progress toward East Asian linkages.

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地球環境学) / 甲第19155号 / 地環博第130号 / 新制||地環||26 / 32106 / 京都大学大学院地球環境学舎地球環境学専攻 / (主査)教授 ｼｮｳ ﾗｼﾞﾌﾞ, 教授 岡﨑 健二, 准教授 西前 出 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当

This dissertation explores the relationship between violence and betrayal in retribution against military and police collaborators who helped maintain Japan’s wartime occupations up until its defeat in 1945. Looking at the approaches taken in the colonies of British Asia, postwar treason trials in the Philippines, and Chinese Communist approaches in wartime and postwar Shandong province, this study argues that the laws and rhetoric of treason were deeply flawed tools for confronting the atrocities of war. At the very moment that war crimes trials were defining a set of acts that constituted crimes against all humanity, around the world thousands of individuals who helped perpetrate them were treated as primarily guilty of crimes against the nation. Each of the chapters in this work examines the costs and consequences of this for postwar societies on the eve of decolonization and civil war. Throughout the territories under Japanese occupation, locally recruited military and police forces comprised the largest category of individuals to face accusations of treason in the aftermath of war, but were also those most likely to be complicit in atrocities. Among the ranks of the disloyal, they were both the most useful as well as the most dangerous to postwar regimes and almost always separated out from other accused collaborators. Their treason was often treated as a disease of the heart which, once cured, allowed them to be deployed once more. Attempts to try them for their betrayal often faced destabilizing political opposition, especially in cases where their wartime actions were carried out in the name of independence from colonial rule, and were almost always reduced in scale to focus on those accused both of treason and atrocities. Marred by the politics of betrayal, the resulting hybrid proceedings failed to achieve a reckoning with wartime massacres and torture. / History

This dissertation examines the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, Japan’s ambitious attempt to create a new order in East Asia. Most studies on Japan’s new order focus on either the imperial center (Japan) or the periphery (individual East or Southeast Asian nations). This dissertation, however, brings together both. It discusses the Japanese effort to envision a postwar world, and at the same time shows how Japan’s new order was mobilized and co-opted by nationalist leaders in the Philippines and Burma. By focusing on dynamic imperial networks rather than simple models of unidirectional diffusion, this dissertation seeks to paint a more nuanced picture of World War II in the Asia-Pacific. Simple dichotomies fail to capture the complicated nature of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The Co-Prosperity Sphere was neither a mere euphemism for Japanese imperialism and wartime actions, nor a sincere project aimed at the liberation of Asia. Instead, the Sphere is better understood as a process or contest of beliefs, one that could not be controlled by any single group or invading force. This process took shape as an effort to envision a postwar world while in the midst of war. Elites in Tokyo dreamed of a postwar Japan-led international order. Elites in Burma and the Philippines, on the other hand, remained focused on their domestic orders, and viewed independence as of paramount importance. This study highlights the evolution and contested nature of Japan’s new order, and shows how multiple parties—both in Japan and across Asia—impacted the shape the wartime empire would take. Moreover, my dissertation makes an important contribution to the history of empire and decolonization by unpacking the significance of the Japanese interregnum in Southeast Asia. It demonstrates that decolonization in Southeast Asia was more than an unintended consequence of World War II. Whether through extended participation in government, state building measures, or the creation of new governmental institutions, Southeast Asian leaders made conscious use of the Japanese empire to prepare for postwar independence. / History

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This paper examines the role of the pioneer Filipino filmmaker Jose Nepomuceno and his films in the Philippine quest for independence and in the process of nation-building. As all of Nepomuceno's films are lost, most of the information was gathered from old newspaper articles on microfilm in different archives in Manila. Many of these articles were hitherto undiscovered. Nepomuceno made silent films at a time when the influence of the new coloniser, United States, was growing, and the Spanish language was what unified the intellectual opposition. Previous research on Nepomuceno has focused on the Hispanic influences on his filmmaking, as well as his connections to the stage drama. This paper argues that Nepomuceno created a national consciousness by making films showing native lives and environments, adapting important Filipino novels and plays to the screen and covering important political topics and thereby creating public opinion. Many reviews in the newspapers connected his films to nation-building and independence, as the creation of a national consciousness is a cornerstone in the process of building a nation and defining "Filipino". Furthermore, the films of Nepomuceno helped spreading the Tagalog culture and language to other parts of the Philippines, hence making Tagalog the foundation of the national Filipino language.

Umfassende Darstellung der Syntax des Filipino (Tagalog) mit mehr als 2000 Sätzen und Phrasen, die authentisch Umgangs- und Schriftsprache des modernen Filipino widerspiegeln. Unter maßgeblicher Beteiligung vieler Muttersprachler "vor Ort" wurde die sprachliche Wirklichkeit erfasst, und darauf basierend konnte die grammatische Analyse erarbeitet werden, ohne sich an von anderen Sprachen übernommene syntaktische Modelle anzulehnen. Als wesentliche Eigenschaft der Sprache wird gesehen, dass durch vorangestellte Bestimmungswörter die syntaktische Funktion der Satzglieder (Phrasen) festgelegt wird. Die filipinische Sprache besitzt sechs dieser Funktionsphrasen, zwei davon sind Prädikat und Subjekt. Die inhaltliche Aussage der Phrasen wird durch Inhaltswörter realisiert, deren Klassen den Wortarten wie Verb oder Nomen vergleichbar sind. Entscheidend wird die Syntax durch die häufig verwendeten enklitischen Konstruktionen beeinflusst. Die Analyse zusammengesetzter Sätze wird dadurch geprägt, dass der syntaktische Aufbau der unterschiedlichen Teilsätze (wie Haupt- und Nebensatz) nahezu gleich ist. Zusätzlich zur Syntax werden die zum Verständnis notwendigen Elemente von Phonologie und Morphologie dargestellt. Ausführlich und kritisch wird die hier vorgestellte grammatische Analyse mit Arbeiten der verschiedenen linguistischen Schulen über Filipino (Tagalog) verglichen. Der deutschsprachige Teil der vorliegende Arbeit ist eine verbesserte Ausgabe der elektronischen Publikation A. Möller, Syntax der filipinischen Sprache, 2010 (http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-37909). Angefügt ist eine Fassung in filipinischer Sprache Palaugnayan ng Wikang Filipino. / Comprehensive and consistent presentation of the syntax of the Filipino (Tagalog) language supported by more than 2000 sentences and phrases authentically reflecting up-to-date written and colloquial Filipino. With decisive participation of many native speakers "on the spot", the true language reality was captured and became the foundation of the grammatical analysis avoiding the need to rely on syntactical models appropriate to other languages. In Filipino, the syntactical function of the phrases of the sentence is marked by a class of determiners. This is considered as essential feature of the language. There are six of those function phrases, two of them predicate and subject. The semantic message of the phrases is realized by content words which can be categorized into classes comparable to conventional parts of speech (e.g. verb or noun). Decisively, the syntax is influenced by the frequent use of enclitic constructions. Crucial for the build-up of compound sentences is the fact that, in principle, all kinds of clauses have the same syntactical structure. Additionally, some basic elements of Filipino phonology and morphology are presented. Comprehensively, works of the different linguistic schools about Filipino (Tagalog) are critically reviewed. The present paper is an improved edition in German and Filipino language of the electronic publication A. Möller, Syntax der filipinischen Sprache, 2010 http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-37909).

This thesis explores the participation of children within legal discourse by looking at how laws and policies engage or disengage children. The basic premise is that to understand children’s participation is to confront the discourse of children and childhood where we uncover underlying assumptions, interests and agendas that inform our conception of who the child is and what the experience of childhood entails. Specifically, the thesis examines child participation within the Philippine legal framework by looking at the status, conditions and circumstances of children in four contexts: family, educational system, work environment and youth justice system. It argues that our conceptions of children and childhood are not only produced from a particular discourse but in turn are productive of a particular construction and practices reflected in the legal system. In its examination, the thesis reveals a complex Philippine legal framework shaped by competing paradigms of children and childhood that both give meaning to and respond to children’s engagements. On the one hand, there is a dominant discourse based on universal patterns of development and socialization that views children as objects of adult control and influence. But at the same time, there is some concrete attraction to an emerging paradigm influenced by childhood studies and the child rights movement that opens up opportunities for children’s participation. In advocating for broader acceptance of the emerging paradigm, the thesis identifies distinctive understandings of this paradigm in the Philippine context. A central argument is that in reconstructing the legal discourse of children and childhood, children’s participation grounded on the emerging paradigm does not necessarily introduce “new” understandings of children and childhood in the Philippines but, in fact, confirms existing beliefs and practices that articulate deeply held indigenous relational values. Within this contextualized understanding of the emerging paradigm, the thesis articulates children’s participation as: recognition of children as rights-bearers; acknowledgment of children’s realities as lived and experienced by them; and respect for the meaningful and constitutive relationships that children establish. Consequently, the intrinsic quality and meaning of actions of the child and towards the child take on a significant legal, social and moral value.

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of how Filipino female returnees cope with the experience of labour trafficking when reintegrated into their home communities, and how this coping relate to existing research on comparable returnee experiences. The empirical material consists of qualitative interviews with five returnees, conducted during an eight-week stay in the Philippines. The study identifies coping strategies adapted upon return, and analyzes them in the light of the local context and previous studies in the field. The results of the study indicate that, according to the women’s descriptions, strategies related to the escape/avoidance coping type are adapted to a higher extent than other types of coping strategies. These strategies seem to be highly related to the experience or fear of becoming victims of gossiping neighbours and/or patronizing family members. Distancing through humour was also appearing to a great extent in all the interviews, as well as seeking social support. It was found that the strategies expressed by the women were mostly emotion-focused or dysfunctional as opposed to problem-focused, but in many cases active as opposed to passive. The most common social support resources appearing in the interviews were the family, the church, and the supporting organization. The experiences of the respondents have a lot in common with the experiences brought forward in other studies in the same field, though it is important to be aware of the different social and cultural settings in which most of the existing research has been implemented. With this study, the author hopes to contribute to a better understanding of what kind of support Filipino female labour trafficking returnees are in need of, and how to further develop the support system for them and similar groups.