The present Thesis, in the form of a collection of three essays, provides a contribution to the literature on the effects of the public support to innovation activities. The first paper aims at providing a review and a critical discussion of the literature dealing with the additionality of innovation policy, that is, the net effects of the public support that would not have occurred in the absence of the policy. In particular, the paper focuses on the behavioural dimension of the additionality concept, i.e. the strategic and behavioural changes induced by the policy. In the first part, the paper argues that the behavioural dimension, though not yet clearly defined, provides a necessary complement to the input and output dimensions, when assessing innovation policies consistently with the evolutionary theory and the related innovation system perspective. In the second part, the paper organises and reviews the recent empirical works that have tried to measure, with econometric and quantitative methods, the strategic and behavioural changes induced by the policy interventions. In so doing, it presents some main methodological issues that characterise the investigation of the behavioural additionality, as well as the main behavioural changes that public support to innovation activities can induce. Starting from the framework provided in the first paper, the Thesis proposes two empirical applications. The first of these is presented in the second paper. This aims at proposing and applying a new multi-level and multi-dimensional evaluation of the additionality effects of innovation policy. The impacts of national and regional support schemes are jointly investigated (multi-level), by simultaneously analysing their input, output and behavioural additionality effects (multi-dimension). By making use of micro-data on manufacturing firms stemming from the 4th wave of the Community Innovation Survey, an empirical application of this kind of assessment is provided for two EU countries, namely Italy and Spain. To control for the selection bias, the econometric strategy is based upon a set of propensity score matching estimations of the average treatment effect on the treated (ATT). The picture of the results is quite complex. In both countries, only national policies increase R&D investment. On the other hand, their regional and national interventions induce additional innovation performances and innovation behaviours of different nature. The proposed methodology is integrated with an original, although somehow tentative, analysis of the relation between the average additionality effects of the policies and the dispersion of their impacts. With the exception of Italian regional policies, the higher is the average additionality level, the lower is found to be the polarisation of the policy effect. The third paper included in the Thesis, has a more narrow focus. It aims at identifying the extent to which regional innovation policy affects firms’ innovation behaviour. Some research hypotheses are put forward. At first, the policy support is supposed to induce relevant changes in the beneficiaries' behaviour, which can help to solve potential regional system failures. Moreover, an increasing amount of regional subsidy is expected to enhance the geographical range of the cooperation with universities and research institutes, allowing firms to interact with “global best” and more suitable research partners. These hypotheses are tested with respect to a sample of manufacturing firms located in the NUTS-2 Emilia-Romagna region of Italy, by making use of a unique dataset including information on pre-policy characteristics and post-policy behaviours. The econometric strategy is based, at first, on a set of propensity score matching estimations. The recently developed generalised propensity score method, which is suitable for a continuous treatment framework, is also employed. At first, the policy is found to enhance the competencies’ upgrading of the beneficiaries, as well as their interactions with both regional and extra-regional research organisations. Furthermore, the amount of subsidy is found to be important to extend beyond the regional borders the cooperation with research partners: over a minimum efficient scale of public funding, an increase in the subsidy enhances the propensity to cooperate with extra-regional universities and research institutes.

The dissertation is articulated in three empirical applications which focus on the economic development of Ethiopian smallholders either on and off-farm from 2012 to 2016. The complete title of the thesis is “Non-farm Entrepreneurial Activities and the Role of Non-cognitive Skills in Agriculture. Theoretical Framework and Empirical Evidence from Ethiopia”. In fact, one of the earliest and most central insights of the literature on economic development is that development entails structural change. The countries that manage to pull out of poverty and get richer are those that are able to diversify away from agriculture and other traditional products. As labor and other resources move from agriculture into modern economic activities, overall productivity rises and incomes expand. However, the enhancing technologies developed by modern economic sectors may be reinvested on farm increasing the agricultural productivity too. The production on the farm side is analyzed in the first two papers of the thesis, while the third one focuses on the non-farm sector. The first two papers share the same data set which is a cross-section survey collected in two rural regions in Ethiopia during the crop year 2012. It was financed by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), with the collaboration of the CEIS of the University of Torvergata and implemented by the University of Addis Ababa. The survey collected also non-cognitive skills of the 501 households in the survey using two well-known psychometric tests: the Big Five Inventory test and the Emotion Regulation questionnaire. These traits were used for the empirical estimation of the agricultural production function and the agricultural input equations in order to see how these traits affect productive and allocative efficiency in rural Ethiopia. Results show a statistical relevance of personality traits in affecting both production and input choice/application. Furthermore, when non-cognitive skills variables are explicated in the models is possible to confirm the “recursive structure” between output and inputs usage proposed by Zellner et al (1966). Namely, the use of the OLS technique for the production function estimation is (weakly) validated thanks to the explication personality traits variables in the model generally omitted in the neoclassical model specifications. The third paper analyses whether the economic activities off-farm in Ethiopia are the results of push or pull factors. We wanted to assess if households were attracted in these activities because of the remunerative opportunities or if they were pushed due to ex ante coping mechanisms. For the empirical application, we rely on longitudinal panel data “Living Standard Measurement Study- Integrated Survey on Agriculture” collected by World Bank (WB). We use the three rounds available (2011/2012, 2013/2014, and 2015/2016) to track households overtime. Furthermore, the empirical strategy relies on different kind of econometric techniques: cluster analysis, multivariate regressions and Heckman correction models. Then, we focused on the impact of household’s non-farm engagement on households’ wellbeing (consumption and agricultural input expenditure). Results show that push factors are the main drivers of households’ participation in the non-farm sector, and without further investments in infrastructure and education these activities are not likely to be the engine for further economic development in Ethiopia.

Economic experiments allow the investigator to achieve a controlled variation of some particular variable of interest, holding constant other background conditions. However, as it relates to communication, such a controlled variation may not be straightforward to achieve. We critically evaluate the design and implementation of game experiments in economics, and provide a review of the literature focusing mainly on bargaining and trust games (Chapter 1). Following some established results of anticipated communication in the dictator game, we investigate whether strategic considerations crowd out anticipatory effects of communication in the ultimatum game (Chapter 2). Finally, we identify and implement an experimental design that examines the role of first-mover anticipated communication on the inter-player strategic power dynamics that exist in a symmetric simultaneous move prisoners' dilemma and a sequential move investment game (Chapter 3).

In the field of decision-making under risk, researchers have started to focus on the effect of information acquisition modality on people’s decisional pro- cess, by means of a comparison between Decision from Description (DfD) and Decision from Experience (DfE). A literature review on the topic is provided in Chapter 1, which analyzes the determinants of the so-called description- experience gap and its translation into the planning-ongoing gap, according to which people tend to overweight rare events under description (or planning) and underweight them under experience (or ongoing decision-making). In such a framework, Chapter 2 experimentally investigates delegation in risky choices, in a three-party agency framework. Agents build a portfolio for their principals by selecting among prospects that are either fully described or experienced. Nevertheless, principals are given the opportunity to take over control and build their own portfolio by paying a fee. Principals are more efficient and ambitious than agents. Such a higher quality of principals’ portfolios is associated to a higher effort exerted in collecting information on risky options. Principals anticipate this performance difference, but pay a control fee that is generally excessive and negatively impacts on their final earnings. Chapter 3 and Chapter 4 study tax compliance, by providing a comparison between the two information acquisition modalities. Specifically, Chapter 3 serves as an introduction to Chapter 4, as it reviews the main theoretical and experimental literature on tax compliance, by referring to the role of objec- tive, perceived, and weighted probabilities in compliance decisions. Besides this, it provides a novel methodological analysis that justifies the adoption of laboratory experiments as an externally valid tool if sustained by agent-based simulations in the field of tax compliance. Chapter 4 reports on a laboratory experiment designed to explore the presence of the planning-ongoing gap in taxpayers’ behavior, by means of a (self) commitment system for compliance. In line with overweighting of rare events - i.e., fiscal audits-, planning induces the majority of people not only to opt for a commitment to tax compliance, but also to actually comply.

IIn this thesis the specialization patterns of a group of countries are studied in order to check whether they are compatible with Comparative Advantages or whether there is scope to diminish CO2 emissions through alternative specialization patterns. The main focus is on European countries. A set of Input-Output Tables during the period 1995-2011 is used to perform the analysis, which is based on the Sraffian notion of subsystems. The results suggest that Comparative Advantages did not work well in Europe during the period considered. Alternative specialization patterns may allow to exploit better Comparative Advantages and, moreover, to decrease the CO2 emissions related to economic activities.

Orientador: Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza / Resumo: A presente dissertação analisou o processo de implantação do Conjunto Habitacional São Bento, na periferia da Zona Sul da cidade de Marília-SP. Para realizar este estudo, foi necessário compreender o processo de ocupação do solo urbano desde a fundação da cidade, suas características mais importantes, bem como entender o processo de periferização da cidade, sobretudo, a expansão da Zona Sul, desde meados dos anos 1980. A análise percorreu o debate da área de sociologia urbana no que diz respeito aos efeitos perversos das políticas habitacionais no Brasil que, ao produzirem o espaço urbano, também constituem espaços de segregação, tão bem definidos pela ideia de enclave fortificado de Caldeira (2000). Além disso, a pesquisa demonstrou que as políticas habitacionais na cidade de Marília reforçam o processo de segregação urbana da cidade e são fortemente baseadas no populismo político e no privilégio dado aos interesses dos empresários da construção civil, ignorando, assim, as necessidades por habitação da população da cidade. / Abstract: The present dissertation have analyzed the implementation process of São Bento Housing Set, in the outskirts of the South Zone of Marilia city, in Sao Paulo state, Brazil. To carry out this study, it was necessary to understand the process of urban land occupation since the foundation of the city, it's most important characteristics, as well as to understand the process of peripherization of the city, especially the expansion of the South Zone, since the mid 80s. The analysis covered the urban sociology debate with regard to the perverse effects of housing policies in Brazil, which as the cities grows, the segregations spaces grow as well, perfectly defined by the idea of a fortified enclave of Caldeira (2000). In addition, research has shown that housing policies in Marilia city reinforce the urban segregation process of the city and are strongly based on political populism and privileges that the construction business owners have, thus ignoring the housing needs of the city's population. / Mestre

Orientador: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti / Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães / Banca: Maurício de Aquino / Banca: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Ruy de Oliveira Filho / Resumo: O presente estudo analisa o agostinismo político de Henri-Xavier Arquillière (1883-1956), a fim de compreender o momento histórico em que ele formulou essa categoria histórica para a política medieval. Para Arquillière, o pensamento político de Santo Agostinho foi invertido em aspectos fundamentais criando versões interpretativas. Arquillière, historiador francês, defendeu em 1934 que o pensamento político de Gregório VII e de outros papas guiava-se pelo agostinismo político. O agostinismo político como exposto por Arquillière foi contestado como sendo uma versão neotomista e apologética das ações do papado. Neste contexto, buscou-se compreender se as afirmações sobre a importância de Santo Agostinho podiam ser desprezadas pelo motivo da vinculação institucional do autor. Certeau, em sua concepção de lugar social do historiador, contribui nesta tese para apontar que todo historiador parte de uma instituição que o legitima e confere autenticidade à sua historiografia. Esta tese desdobra-se, num primeiro momento, para conhecer a formação acadêmica, a historiografia e os livros didáticos de Arquillière. O historiador francês, possuindo traços da escola metódica, expandiu o agostinismo político como uma chave de leitura da política medieval expondo-se, assim, aos problemas de uma generalização. Arquillière escreveu manuais didáticos nos quais expôs o agostinismo político para os jovens com a intenção de ensinar sobre a Igreja Católica, resgatando a importância dela no cenário político e religioso de seu tempo. Por meio da análise da obra A Cidade de Deus, percebe-se em Santo Agostinho posições benévolas ao Império Romano e à ausência de afirmações que sustentassem uma monarquia papal. O neotomismo na época em que Arquillière formulava o agostinismo político foi um movimento ativo na Igreja Católica, possibilitou o aprofundamento dos estudos agostinianos e contribuiu para resgatar o ... / Abstract: This study was carried out to analyze Henri-Xavier Arquillière's political Augustinism (1883-1956), in order to understand the historical moment in which he formulated that historical category for the medieval politics. For Arquillière, Saint Augustin's political thought was inverted in its fundamental aspects propitiating interpretive versions. Aquillière, French historian, argued in 1934 that the political thought followed by Gregorius VII and other Popes was based on the political Augustinism. According to Aquillière, the political Augustinism was contested on the basis that it was a neoThomist and apologetical version of the papacy 's actions. Within that context, one tried to understand whether the assertions on Saint Augustin's importance might be relegated due to its institutional connection with the author. Certeau, in his conception about the social role played by the historian, contributes to such a thesis pointing out that every historian starts from an institution which assigns legitimacy and authenticity to his/her historiography. Such a thesis is unfolded, at first, in order to know Aquillière's academic background, historiography, and textbooks. The French historian, by disclosing features of the methodical school, expanded the political Augustinism as an explanatory reading of medieval politics thus exposing himself to generalization problems. Aquillière wrote textbooks in which he introduced political Augustinism to young people aiming at explaining his teachings on the Catholic Church, redeeming its importance in the political and religious background of his time. By analyzing A Cidade de Deus, one notices in Saint Augustin's writings benevolent attitudes toward the Roman Empire and the lack of assertions which gave support to a papal monarchy. NeoThomism at the time Aquillière formulated the political Augustinism was an active movement within the Catholic Church, it allowed a careful examination of Augustinian ... / Doutor

Orientador: Alberto Aggio / Banca: Ana Raquel Marques da Cunha Martins Portugual / Banca: Marcos Sorrilha Pinheiro / Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: Adriane Aparecida Vidal Costa / Resumo: A presente pesquisa analisa a cultura política priista mexicana nos idos de 1946 a 1988. O termo "priista" refere-se ao Partido Revolucionário Institucional (PRI), que predominou no cenário político-cultural do país ao longo do mencionado recorte de tempo. Contudo, o mesmo não surgiu em 1946, como se pode concluir. Foi inaugurado, em 1929, como uma alternativa política ao caótico período pós-revolução, recebendo o seguinte nome: Partido Nacional Revolucionário (PNR, 1929-1938). Após a inauguração do PNR, sucedeu o firmamento do Maximato (1929-1936) e a escolha de presidentes pnristas até 1938. Neste ano, o então presidente Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940) realizou uma reforma no partido, pois julgava que o mesmo havia se distanciado dos anseios da Revolução Mexicana (1911-1920). A mudança acabou sendo estrutural e ideológica, deixando-o com uma roupagem mais radical. Isso resultou, inclusive, na alteração da sua nomenclatura, que passou a chamar-se Partido da Revolução Mexicana (PRM, 1938-1946). Mas, elegeu apenas um presidente, o Ávila Camacho (1940-1946). Afinal, em 1946, seu sucessor, Miguel Alemán (1946-1952), estabeleceu uma nova reforma, alegando que os ideais da revolução haviam sido cristalizados pelas instituições do Estado. O PRM foi, então, rebatizado e ganhou o seguinte nome: Partido Revolucionário Institucional. Tal mudança representou, sobretudo, uma guinada do partido à direita. A partir disso, o PRI elegeu presidentes até o ano 2000. Diante de tantas discussões acerca desse complexo período mexicano, esta pesquisa assimila a perspectiva do sociólogo italiano Giovanni Sartori, a qual apregoa a existência de um sistema de partido hegemônico pragmático figurado pelo PRI e firmado de 1929 a 2000. Além disso, parte-se aqui do pressuposto de que, a partir de 1946, tornou-se necessário ao partido formular uma cultura política, que orientasse e disciplinasse seus correligionários diante de... / Resumen: Esta investigación analiza la cultura política mexicana PRI entre 1946 y 1988. El término "PRI" se refiere al Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que se impuso en la escena política y cultural del país durante el tiempo que el recorte mencionado. Sin embargo, no surgió en 1946, como puede concluirse. Abrió sus puertas en 1929 como una alternativa política al período posterior a la Revolución Mexicana, obteniendo el siguiente nombre: Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR, 1929-1938). La apertura del PNR obedeció el firmamento de Maximato (1929-1936) y la elección de presidentes pnristas hasta 1938. Este año, el entonces presidente Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940) llevó a cabo una reforma en el partido, ya que pensaban que se había distanciado de los deseos de la Revolución Mexicana (1911-1920). El cambio resultó ser estructural e ideológico, dejándole con un atuendo más radical. Esto dio lugar incluso en el cambio de su nomenclatura, que llegó a ser llamado el Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM, 1938-1946). Pero tuve sólo un presidente electo, el Ávila Camacho (1940-1946). Después de eso, en 1946, su sucesor, Miguel Alemán (1946- 1952), estableció una nueva reforma, alegando que los ideales de la revolución se habían cristalizado por las instituciones del Estado. El PRM fue entonces renombrado y ganó el siguiente nombre: Partido Revolucionario Institucional. Este cambio representó, sobre todo, un giro del partido a la derecha. A partir de esto, los presidentes priistas fueron electos hasta el año 2000. Con tantas discusiones sobre este complejo periodo mexicano, esta investigación asimila la perspectiva del sociólogo italiano Giovanni Sartori, que proclama la existencia de un sistema de partido hegemónico pragmático representado por el PRI y firmado entre 1929 y 2000. Además, a partir de 1946, se hizo necesario formular una cultura política del partido para que orientase y disciplinase sus... / Abstract: This research analyzes the PRI political culture back in 1946 till 1988. The term "PRI" refers to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from Mexico, which won the political and cultural scene of the country during the mentioned time. However, it did not emerge in 1946, as can be concluded. It opened in 1929 as a alternative to the chaotic post-revolution period, obtaining the following name: National Revolutionary Party (PNR 1929-1938). The opening of PNR obeyed the firmament of Maximato (1929-1936) and the election of pnristas until 1938. This year, the President Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) started a reform in the party because it was growing apart of the main objectives of the Mexican Revolution (1911-1920). The change turned out to be structural and ideological, leaving it with a more radical outfit. This resulted in even a change of nomenclature, which came to be called the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM, 1938-1946). But had only an elected president, Avila Camacho (1940-1946). After all, in 1946, his successor, Miguel Aleman (1946-1952) established a new reform, claiming that the ideals of the revolution had crystallized in the state institutions. The PRM was then renamed and became: Institutional Revolutionary Party. This change represented, above all, a turn of the party to the right wing. Then, it elected presidents till 2000. With so many discussions on this complex Mexican period and PRI‟s presidents, this research comprehends the perspective of an Italian sociologist, Giovanni Sartori, which proclaims the existence of a hegemonic pragmatic party system, played by the PRI and existent between 1929 and 2000. In addition, from 1946, it became necessary to develop a political culture of the party to the party supporters, so it would discipline and guide them through the new structural and ideological changes. Consequently, this political culture emerged and consolidated as an... / Doutor

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-13T15:37:10Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AtuacaoDefensoriaPublica.pdf: 1370312 bytes, checksum: 748baec077b70e875d76fb3a3d07ec6a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-05-15T13:37:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AtuacaoDefensoriaPublica.pdf: 1370312 bytes, checksum: 748baec077b70e875d76fb3a3d07ec6a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-15T13:37:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_AtuacaoDefensoriaPublica.pdf: 1370312 bytes, checksum: 748baec077b70e875d76fb3a3d07ec6a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As instituições do sistema de justiça ao redor do mundo têm ocupado importantes espaços no cenário político-institucional, atuando como verdadeiros atores políticos dotados de recursos de poder. Esse fenômeno de judicialização da vida pública tem ocorrido no Brasil, sobejamente após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Os atores do sistema de justiça passaram a exercer importante influência sobre a vida social, econômica e política do país, atuando na afirmação de novos direitos e na construção da agenda pública. À luz deste contexto a presente dissertação analisa a judicialização da política na realidade político-institucional brasileira, delimitando, todavia, o seu campo de estudo à atuação das unidades da Defensoria Pública da União nos Estados que integram a Amazônia Legal em conflitos de natureza coletiva, buscando compreender fundamentalmente as formas judiciais e extrajudiciais de resolução de conflitos, os critérios de atuação da instituição neste tipo de controvérsias, bem como os resultados das ações e relações com o judiciário. A ideia central é a de que os mecanismos que proporcionam inclusão no sistema de justiça podem desempenhar um papel importante na afirmação de direitos e na construção da agenda pública. / The bodies of the Justice System around the world have taken important places in the institutional-political scene, acting like real political agents entitled with Power resources. That phenomenon of judicialization of public life has occurred in Brazil, specially after the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution. The parties of the Justice System started to have major influence upon the social, economical and political context of the country, working on the enforcement of new rights and the shaping of public agenda. In view of such context, this dissertation analyzes the judicialization of politics in the Brazilian political-institutional circumstances, delimiting, however, its scope to working into the Federal District Attorneys in the Stated that compose the Legal Amazon on conflicts of a group nature, seeking to understand, fundamentally, the judicial and extrajudicial ways to mediate conflicts, the criteria for the institution actions over this type of controversies, as well as the outcome of those actions and relations with the Justice System. The central idea is that the mechanisms which favor inclusion in the justice system can play a major role in the enforcement of rights and the shaping of public agenda.

Submitted by Cássio da Cruz Nogueira (cassionogueirakk@gmail.com) on 2017-03-06T13:44:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MovimentosSociaisBairro.pdf: 3253413 bytes, checksum: bb4f0b9b2f4a2c817cd0f0de65d6b2ae (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2017-03-08T14:22:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MovimentosSociaisBairro.pdf: 3253413 bytes, checksum: bb4f0b9b2f4a2c817cd0f0de65d6b2ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-08T14:22:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_MovimentosSociaisBairro.pdf: 3253413 bytes, checksum: bb4f0b9b2f4a2c817cd0f0de65d6b2ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-04 / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este trabalho acadêmico propõe-se realizar uma análise sobre os movimentos sociais no bairro do Jurunas, cidade de Belém, Pará, e sobre as formas como os agentes sociais compreendem e praticam a política. Para empreendermos este estudo é feita uma discussão com os agentes sociais envolvidos e participantes no movimento social urbano. Em termos de recorte temporal examinamos um intervalo dos anos 90 quando Belém passou por um processo de Orçamento Participativo (1997-2000) até o Congresso da Cidade, (2001-2004). Nos eventos organizados pela administração municipal parte da população decidia e expunha suas demandas em assembleias, com eleição de delegados. Nos dias atuais está em curso a execução da obra de Macro drenagem da bacia da Estrada Nova, em que a população tem participado de forma reduzida nos processos decisórios desse projeto. O que teria acontecido com os movimentos sociais nos anos 90 e no período mais recente? Tentaremos elucidar essa questão, alavancando o que no senso comum e a academia definem como “enfraquecimento da participação política das novas gerações e o pensamento político”, voltado apenas para o campo das políticas públicas, no caso em questão é o Orçamento Participativo. E por último, responder a uma questão: Até que ponto, na atualidade, a participação política pode realmente definir os rumos de um governo atrelado a uma política neoliberal na qual os grandes grupos econômicos como o BID, definem boa parte das ações a serem desenvolvidas pelos Estados? / This academic work proposes to carry out an analysis of the social movements in the district of Jurunas, city of Belém, Pará, and the ways in which social agents understand and practice politics.To undertake this study is made a discussion with the social agents involved and participating in the urban social movement. In terms of cutting time we examined a range of the nineties when Belém has passed for a participatory budgeting process (1997-2000) until the congress City (2001-2004). In the events organized by the municipal administration part of population decided and exposed their demands in assemblies with delegates election. Nowadays it's in progress the execution of work of Macro drainage of the New Road basin, where the population has participated in reduced form in decision-making of this project.What would have happened with the social movements in the 90s and the most recent period? We will try to clarify this issue, leveraging what common sense and academia define as "weakening the political participation of new generations and political thinking", aimed only to the field of public policy, in this case is the Participatory Budget. Finally, to answer a question: Until point today the political participation can really set the direction of a trailer government to a neoliberal policy in which the major economic groups such as the BID, define much of the action to be taken by the States?