yužití politického marketingu na regionální a senátní o využití vybraných nástrojů politického jejich podobě a způsobu fungování během regionálních a senátních voleb v roce 2016. důrazem na odlišnosti. Podoba politického marketingu a způsob jeho fungování se do značné tohoto důvodu obsahuje práce srovnání volebních systémů do krajských zastupitelstev a Senátu Parlamentu České republiky. Stěžejní část práce představuje praktická část, která srovnává podobu, průběh a způsob fungování vybraných aspektů politického marketingu v rámci volebních kampaní během krajských a senátních voleb. Práce se zaměřuje zejména na specifika odlišných volebních kampaní, které jsou realizovány ostoru a čase, avšak při příležitosti odlišných druhů

The aim of this diploma thesis is to analyze and then to compare two political subjects, namely ANO 2011 and Svoboda a přímá demokracie (previously Úsvit přímé demokracie). The aim of this work is to find out if these political subjects are new political parties and business firm parties according to necessary criterions. The main point of the business firm party is political marketing and political strategies for campaigns of these parties. That is the reason why this diploma thesis makes analyze of marketing strategies in parliamentary elections at the year 2013 and 2017. The main aim is to figure out if both parties works and act as marketing product that follows the rule of supply and demand. Or, if parties work as enterprise which benefits from state subsidies. Thank to this research I possible to see the differences between these two political subjects and others established political parties in the Czech Republic. The research proved that ANO 2011 and Svoboda a přímá demokracie (previously Úsvit přímé demokracie) are new political parties and even are business firm parties. Even through are both subject part of concept business firm party, they are not the same type. Both political movements have many differences between themselves. Differences as stronger leader management position at...

The phenomenon of political marketing entered - together with democratic political competition - the Czech Republic after 1989. Together with parliamentary elections in 2006 a strong negative election campaigns appeared. The parliamentary elections in 2007 proved a stalemate and they launched a long period of political instability. An unusually sharp and mostly negative election campaign proceeded in the Czech Republic continuously during the years 2006 - 2010. For the first time foreign advisory firms prepared strategies for the biggest political parties - ČSSD and ODS. The election campaigns were characteristic not only of mass enter of negativism imported by the foreign consultants, but also of a great number of anonymous mocking and defamatory political advertisements, the customer and the payer of which was unknown and unable to find. The negative campaigns then introduced both the question of ethical limits in the election marketing and of the harmful influence of opaqueness in contracting and financing the campaigns. The thesis is dealing with regularities of political marketing which got control of Czech political scene in 2006 - 2010, and it formulates hypotheses about the possible effecs of negative, defamatory and mocking political campaigns on the environment of Czech public politics.

The National Party was active in the Czech politics roughly from 2000 to 2009.Despite the fact that the party had great political ambitions, it did not make any major electoral gains. The National Party is described in detail in chapters devoted to the formation of the National Party, its political agenda, ideological classification, to individuals and organizations participating in the establishment of the National Party, its political marketing, and the results of the National Party in the elections and international cooperation. The thesis addresses the following research questions: Why was the party unsuccessful? Concerning political marketing, were the selected communication channels adequate and was the way the party communicated correct? and Is there demand for a similar party in the Czech Republic at the moment?. We will answer the questions raised by applying a theoretical framework based on Cas Mudde's publication Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe and Alina Polyakova's study Explaining Support for Radical Right Parties in New Democracies: The Limits of Structural Determinants and the Potentiality of Civil Society, and also by conducting a survey which will research citizens' stands on various political issues.

Den politiska kommunikationen har alltid varit nära kopplad till medier och i ett ständigt förändrat medielandskap har politiska partier och aktörer desto mer varit i behov av att anpassa sina strategier för att nå ut med sina budskap. Till följd av digitaliseringens stora genomslag har den visuella politiska kommunikationen blivit mer betydelsefull än någonsin tidigare där politiker kan kommunicera direkt till sina följare genom sociala plattformar. Genom den visuella sociala plattformen Instagram har därmed nya möjligheter skapats för hur den politiska kommunikationen framförs.  I linje med att sociala plattformar blir allt viktigare för den politiska kommunikationen blir också konstruktionen av det politiska personliga varumärket desto viktigare. Utifrån bakgrunden syftar studien till att undersöka hur svenska partiledare marknadsför och konstruerar ett varumärke av sig själva på det sociala mediet Instagram. Genom en kvalitativ socialsemiotisk analys med utgångspunkt i ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av politisk kommunikation, politisk personalisering, och socialsemotik visar resultaten på att samtliga partiledare använder sig av personalisering i sina flöden. Trots att de svenska partiledarna påvisade olika omfattningar av den personliga marknadsföringen gick det att se mönster i deras flöden som tyder på liknande strategier i sitt sätt att producera och publicera innehåll på, trots deras olika placeringar på den politiska skalan. Därmed ämnar studien bidra till bredare existerande forskningsdiskussion om medialiserad politik och de sociala mediernas betydelse för den politiska kommunikationen. / Political communication has historically always been closely connected with traditional media and in a continuously changing media landscape, political parties and actors have found themselves increasingly in need of adapting their strategies to convey their message. Through the major developments caused by digitalization, visual communication has become more significant than where politicians can communicate directly to their followers through social platforms. Thus, the visual social platform Instagram has created new opportunities in how politicians communicate, and new conditions have been created for political communication.  In line with the fact that social platforms are becoming increasingly important for political communication, the construction of the political personal brand is also becoming more important. Given the background, the aim of this study is to examine how Swedish political party leaders market themselves and establish themselves as a brand on the social media platform Instagram. Through a qualitative social semiotic analysis based on a theoretical framework consisting of political communication, political personalization, and social semiotics the results of this study show that all the chosen party leaders use personalization in their Instagram-feed. Even though the results showed that the party leaders demonstrated different extents of personal marketing, it was possible to see patterns in their Instagram-feeds that indicate the use of similar strategies in their way of producing and publishing content, despite their individual political views. Thus, the study aims to contribute with further developments in the research-field of mediatized politics and the significance of social media platforms in political communication.

Author's name: Bc. Mácha Slavomír School: Social Science & Philosophy Dept. Faculty of Education Charles University, Prague Graduate Program (Single Major): Master Degree (Mgr.) in Teaching Social Sciences, Philosophy, and Ethics in High Schools and Higher Professional Schools Title: The Role of the Media in Shaping Public perceptions and Political thinking in the Czech Republic Consultant: PhDr. Josef Stracený, CSc Number of pages: 97 + 1 attachments Number of attachments: 1 Number of marks: 202412 Number of literature: 56 Number of web pages: 33 Year: 2012 Key words: role of the media, political marketing, political thinking, public opinion, media manipulation, media function, advertising in politics, message effects, active and passive audience, voter, citizen, social networks, This thesis aims to prove the role of media in shaping the public perception and political thinking in the Czech republic. Thesis was worked up by analysing specialised literature concerning the above topics. The role of the media in shaping the public opinion and the views of major political and social problems are being investigated in the long-term surveys. It is legitimate (nebo generally accepted) that all we know, believe or think about what happens in the outside world is sometimes shaped into a form that reflects...

The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

En un context de "democràcia hipermediàtica", en una societat que creix en clau audiovisual de la mà d'uns mitjans de comunicació que alhora evolucionen a gran velocitat de la mà de les noves tecnologies de la comunicació, la política no esdevé un ens aliè a aquesta realitat. La política, avui més que ahir, es converteix en un procés comunicacional on per exemple els líders polítics ja no poden deixar de ser alhora líders mediàtics si volen triomfar-hi. Però dirigents a banda, l'exercici de la política sotmet el seu llenguatge i el seu tempo als d'uns mitjans de comunicació que així s'hi imposen. La construcció de les agendes pública, política i mediàtica consisteix en una constant interacció i en una contínua disputa on uns i altres miren de fixar-hi els seus continguts i el seu ritme. Però així com l'ascendent dels mèdia sobre l'agenda ciutadana queda evidenciat a través de múltiples estudis emmarcats en l'àmbit de l'agenda-setting, la influència dels mitjans de comunicació en la construcció de l'agenda política és un àmbit menys estudiat des d'un punt de vista acadèmic. En aquest sentit, partint de la teoria de l'agenda-setting i del seu estadi evolucionat de l'agenda-building ens hem proposat demostrar com els mèdia tenen una influència sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Així és com el màrqueting polític esdevé una peça clau d'aquesta dinàmica, ja que quan les campanyes polítiques duren els quatre anys de legislatura, quan els polítics i la seva activitat es veuen constantment exposats a l'escrutini d'uns mitjans de comunicació que els fan estar de campanya permanent, llavors s'imposen en les rutines polítiques la simplificació del llenguatge, la personalització i la tàctica per damunt de l'estratègia. I tot això té conseqüències que condicionen d'arrel l'exercici de la política. Això té conseqüències sobre aspectes bàsics que regeixen la vida de les persones. I aquest va ser el cas de l'Estatut de Catalunya aprovat l'any 2006. Un text legislatiu que va ser fortament mediatitzat i que arrel de l'exposició pública de tot el seu procés de conformació, a través d'un enquadrament majoritàriament negatiu, va veure fortament condicionat a la baixa el seu resultat final. / En un contexto de "democracia hipermediática", en una sociedad que crece en clave audiovisual de la mano de unos medios de comunicación que a la vez evolucionan a gran velocidad de la mano de las nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación, la política no es ajena a esta realidad. La política, hoy más que ayer, se convierte en un proceso comunicacional donde por ejemplo los líderes políticos ya no pueden dejar de ser a la vez líderes mediáticos si quieren triunfar. Pero dirigentes aparte, el ejercicio de la política somete su lenguaje y su tempo a los de unos medios de comunicación que así se imponen. La construcción de las agendas pública, política y mediática consiste en una constante interacción y en una continua disputa donde unos y otros miran de fijar sus contenidos y su ritmo. Pero así como el ascendente de los media sobre la agenda ciudadana queda evidenciado a través de múltiples estudios enmarcados en el ámbito de la agenda-setting, la influencia de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de la agenda política es un ámbito menos estudiado desde un punto de vista académico. En este sentido, partiendo de la teoría de la agenda-setting y de su estadio evolucionado de la agenda-building nos hemos propuesto demostrar cómo los media tienen una influencia sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Así es como el marketing político se revela como una pieza clave de esta dinámica, ya que cuando las campañas políticas duran los cuatro años de legislatura, cuando los políticos y su actividad se ven constantemente expuestos al escrutinio de unos medios de comunicación que los hacen estar de campaña permanente, entonces se imponen en las rutinas políticas la simplificación del lenguaje, la personalización y la táctica por encima de la estrategia. Y todo ello tiene consecuencias que condicionan de raíz el ejercicio de la política. Eso tiene consecuencias sobre aspectos básicos que rigen la vida de las personas. Y éste fue el caso del Estatut de Cataluña aprobado el año 2006. Un texto legislativo que fue fuertemente mediatizado y que a raíz de la exposición pública de todo su proceso de conformación, a través de un encuadre mayoritariamente negativo, vio fuertemente condicionado a la baja su resultado final. / In a context of "hypermediatic democracy", in a society that grows in an audio-visual sense by mass media that at the same time evolve quickly by the new technologies of the communication, politics is being strongly influenced by the media. Politics, today more than yesterday, becomes a communicational process where for example the political leaders no longer can simultaneously stop being media-leaders if they want to prevail. The mass media language and tempo prevail on politics. The public agenda-building, the policy agenda-building and the media agenda-building consists of a continuous interaction and fighting to set contents and rhythm. But as well as the influence of the mass media in the public agenda is demonstrated through multiple studies framed in the scope of the agenda-setting, the influence of mass media in the policy agenda-building is a less studied scope from an academic point of view. In this way, starting with the Agenda Setting Theory and its evolved stage of the Agenda Building, we have seted out to demonstrate how the media have a strong influence on politics, from the base, more important than the influence of politics on the media. In this way, political marketing becomes a key piece of this context. When political campaigns exists trough the four years of the mandate, when the politicians and their activity are continuously exposed under the scrutiny of mass media, when they are involved in a permanent campaign, then prevail in the political routines the simplification of the language, the personalization and the tactics over the strategy. And all it has consequences on politics. That has consequences on basic aspects that govern the life of the people. And it was the case of the approved Estatut of Catalonia 2006, a legislative text that was strongly followed by the media. As a result of the public exhibition of all its process of conformation, through a mainly negative frame, its final result was strongly devaluated.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Augusto Bonacorso.pdf: 429284 bytes, checksum: 28ad9640eac615dbe7c7388745ea55dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-07 / The objective of this work is to rescue the main jingles used in the presidential electoral campaigns with direct vote in Brazil, under the optics of the propaganda and of the political-electoral marketing and inside of the social context of each time, trying to discover what they present in common. The idea is to describe the lyrics of the electoral music and as those lyrics they were used as advertising pieces in the electoral campaigns. To this, it will be made a rising and analysis in audio pieces in the phonographic, in the radio and TV history, in search of those music (jingles), telling the strategies used with those pieces. Researches bibliographical it will be made with the objective of knowing the social and political context of each time to compare the lyric and the rhythm used in each jingle.(AU) / O objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar os principais jingles utilizados nas campanhas eleitorais presidenciais com voto direto no Brasil, sob a ótica da propaganda e do marketing político-eleitoral e dentro do contexto social de cada época, procurando descobrir o que eles apresentam em comum. A ideia é descrever as letras das músicas eleitorais e como estas foram usadas como peças publicitárias nas campanhas eleitorais. Para tanto, será efetuado um levantamento e análise em peças de áudio na história fonográfica, na história do rádio e da TV, em busca dessas músicas (jingles), contextualizando e relatando as estratégias utilizadas com essas peças. Uma pesquisa bibliográfica será efetuada com o intuito de conhecer o contexto social e político de cada época, para comparar a letra e o ritmo utilizado em cada jingle.(AU)

L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’évaluer l’adoption du marketing politique par les partis politiques québécois. Nous entendons par marketing politique une succession d’étapes intégrées (processus marketing) qui permet à un parti politique d’identifier un besoin chez l’électorat et de créer un produit visant à y répondre. Ainsi, à la question de recherche «Est-ce que les quatre principaux partis politiques québécois (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec et Québec solidaire) ont eu recours au marketing politique lors des élections provinciales de 2012 et de 2014? », nous posons l’hypothèse que le contexte québécois en 2012 et 2014 ne permettait pas aux partis politiques d’adopter une approche marketing au cours des campagnes. À cet égard, nous avons mené une étude qualitative basée sur des entrevues faites auprès des responsables des campagnes électorales de 2012 et 2014 pour chacun des partis. Notre collecte de données et notre analyse construite autour deux éléments (les acteurs du marketing politique et l’application qu’ils ont faite du processus marketing), nous ont permis d’infirmer notre hypothèse initiale et d’établir, faits à l’appui, que certains partis ont eu recours à l’approche marketing au cours des deux dernières élections alors que d’autres s’en sont tenus à l’approche publicitaire. / This dissertation studies the adoption of political marketing by the political parties in Québec. We hear by political marketing a succession of integrated steps (marketing process) which allows a political party to identify a need from the electorate and to create a product to answer it. Thereby, to the question, "Did the four main political parties in Québec (Parti Québécois, Parti libéral du Québec, Coalition Avenir Québec and Québec solidaire) used political marketing during the past provincial elections of 2012 and 2014?" we had the hypothesis that the Québec context, in 2012 and 2014, did not allow the political parties to adopt a marketing approach during their campaign. In this respect, we led a qualitative study based on interviews led with political campaign managers from each party, who worked during the past elections of 2012 and 2014. A collection of qualitative data and an analysis based on two elements (political marketers and the way they followed the marketing process) allowed us to counter our initial hypothesis and to establish that the some political parties used the political marketing during the elections of 2012 and 2014, while others focused on tactical marketing.