No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wagner Hosokawa.pdf: 3605486 bytes, checksum: 1359871844fc3a2dc360fd13d18c377f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This master thesis addresses the experience of the Participatory Budget (Orçamento Participativo OP) in Guarulhos, an innovative enterprise of popular participation that started in 2001 and was developed during three subsequent mandates of the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores PT) in the city. The main research question concerns the ways through which a political project of a democratic mandate articulates with processes of Local Power and Participatory Democracy (2001/2010). The main conceptual references for the research were: Participatory Budget, according to Félix Ruiz Sánchez, Tarso Genro and Ubiratan de Souza; Local Power, according to Édina Evelyn Casali Meireles de Souza, Celso Daniel and Ladislau Dowbor; Participatory Democracy, according to Francisco Oliveira and Leonardo Avritzer, all contemporary authors in the fields of Social Sciences and Social Work. The present study is of qualitative nature, including bibliographic, documental and field work research. This work (i) addresses the historical and political context between 1980 and 2000, period in which social movements emerged in the city; (ii) reorganizes constitutive aspects of the OP in Guarulhos, its implementation and development; (iii) presents conceptual elements that guide the data analysis. The research concludes with a series of reflexions on the importance of including the population in democratic and participatory spaces in articulation with the process of Local Power, in order to enable the construction of new political relations of citizenship. It indicates, therefore, challenges for the consolidation of processes that aim at a more democratic relationship between the civil society and the State / Esta dissertação de Mestrado estuda a experiência do Orçamento Participativo (OP) em Guarulhos, iniciativa inovadora de participação popular na cidade, implantada em 2001 e desenvolvida ao longo de três gestões consecutivas do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). A indagação central da pesquisa é a de que forma um projeto político de gestão democrática se articula com processos de Poder Local e de Democracia Participativa (período de 2001/2011). As principais referências conceituais da pesquisa foram: Orçamento Participativo, em Félix Ruiz Sánchez, Tarso Genro e Ubiratan de Souza; Poder Local, em Édina Evelyn Casali Meireles de Souza, Celso Daniel e Ladislau Dowbor; Democracia Participativa, em Francisco Oliveira e Leonardo Avritzer, autores contemporâneos das Ciências Sociais e do Serviço Social. O estudo é de natureza qualitativa e compreende pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. O trabalho aborda o contexto histórico-político de 1980/2000, época em que os movimentos sociais entraram em cena no município; reorganiza aspectos constitutivos do OP na cidade de Guarulhos, sua implantação e seu desenvolvimento e apresenta elementos conceituais que norteiam a análise dos dados. A pesquisa finaliza com pontos de reflexão sobre a importância da inserção da população em espaços democráticos e participativos em articulação com o processo de Poder Local, construindo, assim, novas relações políticas de cidadania. Indica, dessa maneira, desafios na consolidação de processos que democratizem as relações da sociedade e do Estado

The aim is to analyze the economic and political aspects of the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 in the context of monetary separation and further analyze its impact on monetary indicators in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The thesis provides a comprehensive view of the development of relations within Czechoslovakia after 1989 and monetary separation in 1993. First, attention is focused on description and analysis of economic and political relations between the two nations, which are demonstrated in the illustrative examples of the development of Czechoslovakia between 1989 and 1993. Then analyzes the preparation, conduct and impact of monetary separation on the inflation rate, balance of payments, interest rates and foreign exchange reserves, and consequently macroeconomic indicators are compared both newly formed states. The thesis is written for use with the description, analysis and comparison. Based on the analysis, we can conclude that the collapse of the state was no longer possible in 1993 to avoid. It can be concluded that the monetary separation had no immediate impact on the study of monetary indicators. Based on comparison of selected macroeconomic indicators of the countries we were able to demonstrate that in the first years after the collapse of the federation with the Czech economy developed better and more stable than Slovak Republic. Implementation and results of the disintegration of Czechoslovakia and the associated monetary separation can be considered as a basis for solving current problems eg. In any disintegration of the common currency in the European Union or the possible dissolution of several national states. A proper currency separation in 1993 had a negative impact on the development of monetary variables surveyed states.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-04-24T17:58:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-04-25T17:54:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-25T18:03:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJJB.pdf: 12111976 bytes, checksum: 78dd9eb667d6d6ae09b456d43110e609 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This enterprise, whose geo-ethnographic impact falls on Muhlabje – one of the neighbourhoods of Macia, southern Mozambique – tries to understand the social relations and political dynamics that move people, community social networks and the Bantu-mozambican authoririties with the municipal bureaucracy and politics, without losing sight of the simultaneously continuous and changing social institutions in that community, which are precedent and in movement with colonial domination and with post-independence Mozambique. The argument also unfolds in capturing the social situations intertwined with each other in a continuous and transdynamic flow, that is, the worship of the ancestors, the ceremony by the Mozambican heroes, the achievements of agriculture, the purchase and sale of a land, the wine donated to the community by politicians and agricultural products donated by the community to politicians and bureaucrats and local feasts are activities-social institutes that cut across the supposed institutional divisions of the impersonal republican bureaucracy and (as opposed to) interpersonal relations (Municipality and communities [neopatrimonialism/clientelism]), the reason why this flow gains the concept of bureaucratictransinstitutional reciprocities. / Este empreendimento, cuja incidência geo-etnográfica recai sobre Muhlabje – um dos bairros do Município de Macia, sul de Moçambique –, tenta compreender as relações sociais e dinâmicas políticas que movimentam as pessoas, as redes sociais da comunidade e as autoridades bantu-mocambicanas e estas, na mesma via das interações políticas, com a burocracia e política municipal, sem perder de vista as instituições sociais simultaneamente contínuas e em mudanças, naquela comunidade, precedentes e em movimento com a dominação colonial e com Moçambique pós-Independente. O argumento desdobra-se, ainda, em capturar as situações sociais entrelaçadas umas com as outras num fluxo contínuo e transdinâmico, ou seja, o culto dos antepassados, a cerimônia pelos heróis moçambicanos, os ganhos de agricultura, a compra e venda de um terreno, o vinho doado à comunidade pelos políticos e os produtos de agricultura doados pela comunidade aos políticos e burocratas e as festas locais são atividades-institutos sociais que cortam transversalmente as supostas divisões institucionais da burocracia republicana impessoal e (em contraposição às) relações interpessoais (Município e comunidades [neopatrimonialismo/clientelismo]), razão pela qual esse fluxo ganha o conceito de reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The Historia Compostelana is a twelfth-century work that narrates the trajectory and politicians made of Diego Gelmírez, bishop and later archbishop of Santiago de Compostela between the years 1100 and 1140. Arising low Galician nobility and from a young age linked not only to the clergy as also the high nobility, Gelmírez was responsible for the movement that propelled the growth of compostelana diocese and increasing pilgrimage to the shrine dedicated to St. Thiago. It has become even more important due to its activity as bishop, because it was under his command that the See climbed the archbishopric position after annexing territories of other Churches and also promote the theft of relics. This research present examined the role played by Diego Gelmírez during the years of his activity as bishop and later of Santiago de Compostela archbishop, moments that involved not only in episcopal activity, but also in military activities, assuming many times the leading role among the Galicians, gathering troops, were for their own benefit or service of the Castilian-Leonese monarchs Urraca I (1109-1126) and Alfonso VII (1126-1157). Through the analysis of his figure expressed in compostelana history, we seek to understand the complexity of their political actions both in episcopal level, as the warrior within and how both are intertwined taking into account the conflicts and alliances present in the context of the Iberian Peninsula of its time . / A Historia Compostelana é uma obra do século XII que narra a trajetória e os feitos políticos de Diego Gelmírez, bispo e posterior arcebispo de Santiago de Compostela entre os anos 1100 e 1140. Advindo da baixa nobreza galega e desde jovem ligado não somente ao clero como também a alta nobreza, Gelmírez foi responsável pelo movimento que impulsionou o crescimento da diocese compostelana e pelo aumento da peregrinação até o santuário dedicado a São Thiago. Tornou-se ainda mais importante devido à sua atividade enquanto bispo, pois, foi sob o seu comando que a Sé galgou a posição de arcebispado após anexar territórios de outras Igrejas e ainda promover o roubo de relíquias. A presente pesquisa de mestrado analisou o papel desempenhado por Diego Gelmírez durante os anos de sua atuação enquanto bispo e, posteriormente, arcebispo de Santiago de Compostela, momentos em que se envolveu não só em atividades episcopais, mas também, em atividades militares, assumindo muitas vezes o papel de líder entre os galegos, reunindo tropas, fosse para proveito próprio ou à serviço dos monarcas castelhano-leoneses Urraca I (1109-1126) e Alfonso VII (1126-1157). Através da análise da sua figura expressa na História compostelana, buscamos entender a complexidade das suas ações políticas tanto em âmbito episcopal, quanto no âmbito guerreiro e como ambos se entrelaçaram levando em consideração os conflitos e as alianças presentes no contexto da Península Ibérica de seu tempo.

The topic of this final thesis is EU-China relations since 2000. EU and China are both relatively new actors in the international relations. EU and PRC both have certain potential for the future. EU is an organization of 27 member states, which together make the biggest world economy. China is under Chinese Communist Party leadership; it has the biggest world population and large and fast growing economy. Diplomatic relations were established in 1975 and since then, EU and China have been cooperating in political, economic and other areas. Since 2003 there has been a strategic partnership, which now includes more than 50 sectorial dialogues. On the other hand, there are some problems and drawbacks in the bilateral relations: human rights, Tibet, Taiwan, arms embargo and trade disputes. In this thesis it is examined, whether economic cooperation or European values (human rights, democracy and rule of law) are more important in mutual relations.

In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate.  This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.

The master thesis analyzes a development of Czech-Dutch relations from the first contacts in the Middle Ages till the present. The thesis is divided into chapters chronologically but the emphasis is placed on the 20th century also because of the number of sources. Bilateral relations of these two actors of the international relations are examined on the political, economic and cultural level. The master thesis is based first of all on the archival sources of the Ministry of Foreign Affaires of the Czech Republic and it is the first overview which is given on the mutual Czech-Dutch relations according to the three above mentioned levels.

No events of international consequences likely to bring Japan to Australia’s attention occurred before the Sino-Japanese war (1894-5). Japan had as yet shown no sign of her military power. Probably as far as Australians felt any insecurity, their anxieties centred on the expansion of European powers into the Pacific, the might of Russia and the Chinese hordes. In such conditions they were free to think of Japan chiefly as a country of cherry blossom and quaint people. Only the question of Japanese immigration which began to assume large proportions after about 1890 gave any basis for feelings of hostility.

This thesis focuses on the politics of Antipope Victor IV and his successors Paschal III, Calixtus III and Innocent III, who were the opponents of Alexander III since the schismatic elections of 1159. The aim is to analyse the political thinking and actions of the antipopes, with an emphasis on the political relations of Victor IV. The thesis is divided into six thematic sections. The first deals with the pre-election developments and the election of 1159 itself. The second considers their position in relation to Alexander III, while the third turns to the papal-imperial policy and examines the relationship between the antipopes and Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. The fourth section discusses the status and relations of the antipopes outside the Holy Roman Empire. The penultimate chapter examines the attitude of the imperial clergy to the pontificates of the antipopes as well as the obedience of the imperial monasteries, according to papal documents. The final chapter constructs biographies of the antipopes, focusing on the period before their pontificates.