Diploma thesis "Talk show Uvolněte se, prosím and its political guests (qualitative and quantitative analysis of politicians' attendance in the show)" deals with the topic of convergence of entertainment and politics, hence politics and the media as such. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the wider context of the issue - presentation of the politicians on television, interconnection of politics and humor, and the role of talk shows in political communication. The theoretical part presents the issue of political celebrities as one of the factors that affect communication between the politicians and the citizens. The practical part deals with the qualitative and quantitative analysis of the political guests' performance in the czech version of American talk shows Uvolněte se, prosím.

Cette recherche a pour objectif d’analyser l’évolution des rapports de genre au cours de l’exercice des mandats électifs. Il s’agit d’appréhender l’action socialisante des fonctions d’élu à travers la notion de carrière politique genrée. Dans un premier temps, nous présentons les injonctions reposant sur les femmes et les hommes qui candidatent à différentes élections locales. Pendant cette période d’initiation aux rôles politiques, les femmes incarnent le renouvellement tandis que les hommes symbolisent l’expérience. Ces représentations et pratiques genrées varient néanmoins suivant les configurations électorales. La deuxième partie s’intéresse aux processus de sélection des élus selon le genre et à leurs conséquences quant à l’investissement dans les responsabilités électives. Enfin, dans la troisième partie, nous montrons que, pour faire carrière, les femmes doivent concilier habilement les pratiques perçues comme masculines et féminines en politique. / This research concerns the advancement of gender roles and relationships during politician career. We analyze female and male politician socialization in three parts. First, election campaigns introduce to female or male role. They turn women to outsiders whereas men embody experienced politician. Then, selection leads women to lowly work. Finally, they try to highlight their position by claiming a female ethical code. However, to stay or improve their status, they must learn male behaviors too. Nevertheless, they do not wholly forgive female politician ethical code.

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo descrever, discutir e comparar as cartas de alforria identificando as peculiaridades e diversidades deste instrumento na relação de poder senhorial. As alforrias emergem como uma espécie de acordo, onde o senhor, em determinado momento, julga conveniente conceder liberdade a determinado escravo. Um acordo se estabelece entre duas partes, logo, destacamos a participação ativa dos escravos no processo. Embora fosse exigido obediência e submissão, eles souberam dentro das limitações que o sistema impunha, negociar com seus senhores, conquistando a liberdade na forma da lei. A carta de alforria concedia a liberdade jurídica aos escravos. Era a liberdade legitimada pela sociedade, a mesma que legitimava o sistema escravista. A carta de alforria contém informações tanto do alforriador quanto do alforriado. Assim, ao levantarmos os motivos que justificavam a libertação foi possível iluminar a complexa trama que marcou as relações entre senhores e escravos.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:25:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2003-02-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:11:53Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 amaral_wr_me_mar.pdf: 659526 bytes, checksum: dc31b06703085efa85218311dfeac748 (MD5) / O presente trabalho busca compreender as relações existentes entre as políticas de educação de jovens e adultos e o complexo campo das organizações não-governamentais no Brasil, através da análise da história e da identificação dos princípios político-pedagógicos da APEART - Associação Projeto Educação do Assalariado Rural Temporário, organização que atua no estado do Paraná. O estudo reúne importantes referências bibliográficas que apresentam os diversos contextos, concepções, protagonistas e diretrizes que influenciaram a configuração das políticas de educação de jovens e adultos no Brasil, bem como busca articular o papel das ONGs nestes cenários, explicitando potencialidades e contradições que marcam sua relação junto aos movimentos sociais e aos organismos governamentais. A pesquisa realizada junto à APEART possibilitou-nos, a partir da caracterização e análise do seu percurso histórico, afirmar a importância em se evidenciar os princípios político-pedagógicos e demarcar a identidade das organizações, no sentido de se dimensionar e potencializar sua atuação no campo das políticas educacionais. / The present work aims to understand the existing relations between the politics of young and adult education and the complex field of the non-governmental organizations in Brazil, through the analysis of the history and the identification of the politician-pedagogical principles of the APEART - Association Project Education of the Temporary Agricultural Wage-earner, organization that acts in the state of Paraná. The study congregate important bibliographical references that present the diverse contexts, conceptions, protagonists and lines of direction who had influenced the configuration of the politics of young and adult education in Brazil, as well as aim to articulate the function of the ONGs in these scenes, showing potentialities and contradictions that mark its relation with the social movements and the governmental organisms. The search done with the APEART made possible to us, from the characterization and analysis of its historical passage, to affirm the importance in evidencing the politician-pedagogical principles and to demarcate the identity of the organizations, in the direction to measure and improve its performance in the field of the educational politics.

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo descrever, discutir e comparar as cartas de alforria identificando as peculiaridades e diversidades deste instrumento na relação de poder senhorial. As alforrias emergem como uma espécie de acordo, onde o senhor, em determinado momento, julga conveniente conceder liberdade a determinado escravo. Um acordo se estabelece entre duas partes, logo, destacamos a participação ativa dos escravos no processo. Embora fosse exigido obediência e submissão, eles souberam dentro das limitações que o sistema impunha, negociar com seus senhores, conquistando a liberdade na forma da lei. A carta de alforria concedia a liberdade jurídica aos escravos. Era a liberdade legitimada pela sociedade, a mesma que legitimava o sistema escravista. A carta de alforria contém informações tanto do alforriador quanto do alforriado. Assim, ao levantarmos os motivos que justificavam a libertação foi possível iluminar a complexa trama que marcou as relações entre senhores e escravos.

Annotation Václav Kopecký - minister of ideology (Ministery of Information in years 1945 - 1953) Institute of History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice, České Budějovice 2010. 86 pages, 7 pages of picture supplements. The presented thesis describes political and personal life of an important communist statesman, Minister of Information and Enlightenment Václav Kopecký. The work is mostly intented on his acting in the office at the ministry from 1945 to 1953. The thesis consists of four main chapters. After the introduction there follows the first chapter, devided into three parts, which introduces life of Václav Kopecký. The second chapter, devided into two parts, is focused on his ministry office, the first part on years 1945 - 1948 and the second one on years 1948 - 1953. The third chapter analyses Kopecký´s works written between years 1945 and 1948. The last, fourth chapter focuses on analyses of his works in years 1948 - 1953. After this chapter there folows the conclusion with a summary of the work. The last part of the thesis contains list of used sources and literature and supplements.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:41:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO SOLANGE FINAL.pdf: 11809486 bytes, checksum: 780fbb594ebf1a5545f1952ee071f23a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-09 / FAPEAM - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / This work assumed the intention to verify the protagonism of Zelinda da Silva Freitas, Baku of the Sateré-Mawé ethnicity. We search, together with it, to perfaz its trajectory of life since living the IT Ponta Alegre, where she was born, until the Sahu-apé Community located in the City of Iranduba/AM, where she honradamente plays the important recognized role of tuxaua in the way it its people. They are more than 30 years to the front of the Sahu-apé Community. A life marked in way the diverse antagonisms where to be woman and to locate itself as authority has a high price. The research arrives in port assumed it of the theories of sort in an eminently qualitative process, centered in the stories and narratives of tuxaua Baku, our main informer. In the analysis of the espacialidade of the Sahu-apé community we made use of the ethnographic method and the technique of the field notebook. In the collection of data of other coadjuvantes informers of the research we appeal to the technique of interview of the half-structuralized type. We hear in interview 10 resident people of the investigated aboriginal Community. The research sample that Baku owner is the first woman tuxaua that notice in the Amazonia is had. Its protagonism is widely recognized for the entities of aboriginal representation of the Amazonia as it is the case of the COIAB (Coordination of the Aboriginal Organizations of the Brazilian Amazonia) and Advice of the Tuxauas Biggest of the Etnia Sateré-Mawé. One concludes, finally, that the Sahu-apé community is suigeneris, hybrid, because she is not nor agricultural and nor urban, for is situated in the border of the white and the aboriginal, being aboriginal of what white. / Este trabalho assumiu o propósito de verificar o protagonismo de Zelinda da Silva Freitas, a Baku, da etnia Sateré-Mawé. Buscamos, junto com ela, perfazer sua trajetória de vida desde a saída da TI de Ponta Alegre onde nasceu, até a Comunidade Sahu-apé localizada no Município de Iranduba/AM, lugar em que desempenha o importante papel de tuxaua reconhecida honradamente pelo seu povo. São mais de trinta anos à frente da Comunidade Sahu-apé. Uma vida marcada em meio a diversos antagonismos em que ser mulher e posicionar-se como autoridade têm um preço elevado. A pesquisa assumiu o aporte das teorias de gênero em um processo eminentemente qualitativo, centrado nos relatos e narrativas da tuxaua Baku, nossa principal informante. Na análise da espacialidade da comunidade Sahu-apé, fizemos uso do método etnográfico e da técnica do caderno de campo. Na coleta de dados de outros informantes, coadjuvantes da pesquisa, recorremos à técnica de entrevista do tipo semi-estruturado. Ouvimos em entrevista 10 pessoas residentes da Comunidade indígena investigada. A pesquisa mostra que dona Baku é a primeira mulher tuxaua que se tem notícia na Amazônia. O seu protagonismo é amplamente reconhecido pelas entidades de representação indígena da Amazônia como é o caso da COIAB (Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira) e Conselho dos Tuxauas Maiores da Etnia Sateré-Mawé. Depreende-se assim, que a comunidade Sahu-apé é suigeneris, híbrida, porque não é nem rural e nem urbana; nem puramente indígena; ela está situada na fronteira do branco e do indígena, sendo mais indígena do que branca.

Predator policy is a controversial area that includes problems with hunting and handling of wild animals. This is the reason why the government decentralized some of the work to the regions in 1998. During 2008, the Swedish government produced a proposal regarding the conduct of wildlife management delegations. The purpose of this essay is to study the relationship between politicians and officials in the wildlife management delegation with a specific focus on a polarized issue, the wolf question. We do this by studying roles and politicization. Based on the purpose, the following questions have been formulated: What is the role of officials and politicians in wildlife management delegations? How are these roles affected by how politicized the wolf issue is in the region? These delegations include politicians and officials. Based on the theory of the dichotomy between politicians and officials, politicians have a stance and biased role, while officials have a role that is about being impartial and working on the basis of the regulations. This essay consists of a comparative case essay with a content analysis and thematic analysis as a method. The material used has been collected through semi-structured interviews and printed material. This essay shows that the politicization of the wolf question to some extent affects the representatives in the wildlife management delegation.

The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology

The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology