In recent years Germany had to deal with demographical changes on his own territory, pointing an increasingly aging population and on the other hand with a low birth rate that could not normalize this trend. Family policy deals with these issues because one of its current goals is to raise birth rates and ensure and strengthen the position of women in the market. As a possible solution, the family policy sees it in the contribution of men to the share of parental leave. Therefore this diploma thesis will have this topic in the focus. The turning point for Germany and especially for fathers was the year 2007 when the so called "Elterngeld" was introduced with the goal to encourage men to take parental leave and support the woman with raising children. Thanks to this fact that a man help a woman with an upbringing child and household, to women is given the possibility to return to the working environment earlier (at least for a half-time job). This partnership should ensure greater stability in the relationship and possibly ensuring next offspring that Germany necessarily needs. Since 2007 can be noticed interesting numbers of men entering the parental leave. Noteworthy is that one of the highest figures is reported by Saxony with Dresden and Leipzig. Since the man is now seen as one of possible...

Förutsättningarna mellan Sveriges kommuner skiljer sig, till följd av urbaniseringen, alltmer och skapar olika utmaningar och varierande möjligheter att tillhandahålla välfärden, däribland äldreomsorgen som sedan ädelreformen 1992 åligger primärkommunerna. 2019 beräknades cirka en fjärdedel av Sveriges kommuner att gå med underskott vilket resulterar i neddragningar och sparåtgärder inom välfärden eftersom välfärdens nivå används för att balansera budgeten. Trots att andelen äldre i Sverige ökar så visar forskningen att platserna på särskilt boende har minskat sedan 1980-talet och att allt färre äldre får stöd och hjälp i hemmet. Enligt en granskning utförd av Inspektionen för vård och omsorg kan kommunala riktlinjer, för handläggning av bistånd till äldreomsorg, användas som ett sätt att kontrollera kostnader genom att anpassa kriterier och ambitionsnivåer för äldreomsorgen samt genom att minska skillnader i beslut. Justitieombudsmannen har riktat kritik mot kommunala riktlinjer som är oförenliga med gällande rätt och trots att tidigare forskning visar att kommunala riktlinjer används vid handläggning och bedömning av beslut till bistånd av äldreomsorg så är kommunala riktlinjer ett förhållandevis outforskat fält. Syftet med studien har därför varit att förstå vilken funktion kommunala riktlinjer har med avseende på lagstiftningen och tillämpningen samt vilken funktion riktlinjer har för politiker. För att besvara detta har följande undersökts: 1) riktlinjernas utbredning och innehåll, 2) hur politiker motiverar deras tillkomst och hur de skapas och 3) vilken inverkan biståndshandläggare anser att riktlinjerna har på deras beslutsfattande. Tre metoder använts i studien; dokumentgranskning, semi-strukturerade intervjuer och en enkätundersökning. Resultatet visar en omfattande utbredning av kommunala riktlinjer som finns i 274 av Sveriges 290 kommuner och att riktlinjerna är politiskt antagna i majoriteten av kommunerna. Granskningen visar att riktlinjerna innehåller vägledande information, om exempelvis lagstiftning och rättspraxis, men det är också vanligt att kriterier för att bevilja insatser eller nivåer för insatsernas omfattning i den aktuella kommunen anges. Resultatet indikerar vidare att riktlinjernas funktion är att överbrygga otydligheten i SoL genom en återgång till byråkratisering. Genom att minska handlingsfriheten syftar riktlinjerna också till att skapa trygghet och möjlighet till politiskt ansvarstagande för nyttjande av kommunala resurser, ansvarsutkrävande i relationen mellan politiker, medborgare och biståndshandläggare samt att kompensera för bristande kompetens. Standardiseringen som görs i syfte att uppnå likabehandling och rättssäkerhet riskerar dock att gå emot intentionen med SoL och den individuella prövningen. Studien synliggör vikten av att nödvändiga resurser investeras i de riktlinjer som skapas så att de utformas för att vara lagenliga, rättssäkra och tillgängliga men att förutsättningarna för detta skiljer sig kraftigt mellan kommuner. En möjlig väg framåt är att Socialstyrelsen eller en annan statlig myndighet ansvarar för att ta fram en mall till riktlinjer som kontinuerligt uppdateras med aktuell lagstiftning och rättspraxis. Sammanfattningsvis visar studien att riktlinjer har en utbredd inverkan på biståndshandläggarnas beslutsfattande. Riktlinjerna får därigenom en central roll i tillämpningen av välfärden med en inverkan på enskilda äldre och det bistånd som beviljas. / Cutbacks and austerity measures were in 2019 estimated in a quarter of the Swedish municipalities because of financial deficit. Due to the urbanization the conditions of the municipalities vary creating different challenges and possibilities to provide for the necessary welfare service such as elderly care. Despite a growing population of elderly previous research shows a decline in residential homes since 1980 as well as a decrease in caretakers receiving home help service. According to an inspection of the Health and Social Care Inspectorate (Inspektionen för vård och omsorg) local policy guidelines, for elderly care assessment, are being used to reduce the dissimilarities in decision-making within the municipalities’ and to control the financial costs by adapting criteria’s and care limits for the needs assessment. Critic has by the Swedish Ombudsman been directed towards municipal guidelines for not being in accordance with the law and case-law. Despite previous research indicating usage of municipal guidelines in the need’s assessment and decision-making process, municipal guidelines are still a quite unexplored field. The aim of this thesis is therefore to understand the role of municipal guidelines, for elderly care assessment, with regard to the law and the application of the law as well as the role municipal guidelines play according to politicians. In order to achieve this the following has been examined: 1) the spread and content of the municipal guidelines, 2) the creation and political motives for establishing the guidelines and 3) how the care managers view their impact on the decision-making process. The methods used are semi-structured interviews, a survey, and a documentation review. The result shows that municipal guidelines are politically established, that they are widely spread and can be found in 274 out of 290 Swedish municipalities. According to the survey the guidelines contains guidance of law, case-law and the like, as well as criteria’s and limits for the needs assessment and decision-making of elderly care service. The result indicates that the role of the local guidelines is to compensate for the ambiguity of the social Services Act (socialtjänstlagen 2001:453) by reinstating bureaucracy. By limiting the discretion, the guidelines aim to compensate for the lack of competence as well as creating certainty and enable political responsibility for the usage of municipal resources as well as accountability between politicians, care managers and citizens. By standardizing, the aim is to achieve equality and legal certainty despite risking the fundamental intentions of the social Service Act as a framework law designed for individual needs assessment. This study makes the need for investing necessary resources into creating guidelines more visible for them to be lawful and ensure legal certainty as well as accessible. The conditions, however, vary noteworthy between the municipalities. As a solution, the National Board of Health and Welfare, or some other authority, could be held responsible for developing a national guideline, regularly up to date and based on current law and case-law. In summary the study shows that municipal guidelines have a widespread impact on the decision-making of the care managers. The municipal guidelines thereby have a central role in the application of the law with the consequence of a noteworthy impact on the individual elderly and the help warranted as a consequence.

La négociation d’autorité des femmes politiques burkinabè à travers leurs interactions est le thème central de la présente thèse. Cette thèse se veut une étude ethnométhodologique des formes dynamiques (émergentes) d'autorité, formes qui, jusqu'à présent, occupent peu de place, à bien des égards, tant dans la recherche sociale et organisationnelle que dans les études de sociologie du développement. Ces formes d'autorité surgissent et s'établissent ou disparaissent en fonction de la réaction des interlocuteurs tout au long d'une interaction donnée. Elles fluctuent en fonction des situations et se matérialisent par des mouvements de cadrage et de recadrage où chaque interlocuteur essaie d'établir « son autorité » en tentant d'influencer l'autre ou les autres par ses idées et ses arguments. Cette étude nous a permis de toucher du doigt les activités au quotidien de ces femmes, d’analyser leurs interactions et de rendre compte de leur combat pour se faire accepter en tant qu’actrices à part entière ainsi que de leur participation aux différentes luttes pour l’épanouissement de la femme et son implication au processus de développement. Ce faisant, ce document, que nous avons voulu plus empirique que théorique, part du constat de l’évolution sociopolitique du Burkina ainsi que des approches qui ont jalonné les différents luttes et travaux de féministes, universitaires et autres partenaires au développement. Par la suite, nous rendons compte d’une étude de terrain réalisée par la méthode dite du shadowing (filature), suivie d’analyses de conversation. Avec l'ethnométhodologie (une sociologie développée autour de l’œuvre de l’Américain Harold Garfinkel) comme principale source d’inspiration concernant le cadre analytique, il s’est agi, pour le travail d'analyse, d’opérer une série de descriptions analytiques des séquences d'interactions enregistrées puis de réaliser une catégorisation des formes dynamiques d'autorité identifiées. Cette catégorisation s’est opérée sur la base des différents marqueurs d'autorité que nous avons recensés dans des interactions impliquant quatre femmes politiques et un homme politique dans leur milieu de travail respectif. Le résultat de ces travaux nous a permis, par la suite, de faire une analyse comparative des marqueurs d’autorité, d’une part, entre les femmes politiques elles-mêmes et, d’autre part, entre celles-ci et l’homme politique. Cette comparaison nous a permis, dans un premier temps, de nous rendre à l’évidence que, comme leurs collègues hommes, les femmes politiques ont beaucoup recours à des marqueurs d’autorité pour non seulement s’affirmer comme actrice politique, mais aussi pour rallier leur(s) interlocuteur(s) ou pour faire passer (accepter) leurs idées et leurs positions. Dans un second temps, elle nous permet aussi d’affirmer que, contrairement aux apparences et souvent loin des couvertures médiatiques et des salons diplomatiques, les femmes politiques, avec les ressources qui sont les siennes, s’impliquent activement dans la gestion de la vie de la nation et dans les activités de la promotion de la femme et du développement. / This thesis centers on the negotiation of authority enacted by Burkinabe female politicians through their interactions with other parties. This thesis consists in an ethno-methodological study of dynamic (emerging) forms of authority, a topic that, until now, has been somewhat neglected by the literature in social and organizational research as well as in developmental studies. Throughout a given interaction and based on the interlocutors’ moves and countermoves, these forms of authority emerge, establish themselves or disappear. They fluctuate along situations and materialize through framing and reframing dynamics in which interlocutors attempt to establish their respective authority by trying to influence the others with their ideas, thoughts, and positions. This study allows us to learn more about the daily activities of these female politicians by analyzing their interactions and accounting not only for their struggle to be accepted as stakeholders in their own right, but also for their participation in multiple initiatives for women development and their involvement in the economic development process. In doing so, this thesis, which is meant to be more empirical than theoretical, begins with observations about the socio-political history of Burkina and approaches that marked the various struggles and work by feminists, academics and other development partners. We then report on our fieldwork, which was completed through a combination of shadowing and conversation analysis. Using ethnomethodology (a sociological approach developed by Harold Garfinkel) as the main source of our analytical framework, the study first makes a series of analytical descriptions of sequences of interactions. We then propose a dynamic categorization of forms of authority. This categorization is based on different markers of authority that were identified throughout the interactions involving four female politicians and one male politician, in their respective workplace. The result of this work allowed us to make a comparative analysis of the various markers of authority enacted by the female politicians as well as a comparison of these markers between them and the male politician. This ultimately allowed us to show that female politicians, just as their male counterparts, mobilize authority markers not only to assert their political role, but also to rally their interlocutors or to convey (or convince with) their ideas and positions. This study also allows us to show that, contrary to appearances, and often far from media coverage and diplomatic salons, female politicians, in their own ways, get actively involved in the management of state affairs, and in the activities for the advancement of women and economic development.

The thesis "Political image of emerging politicians and media they use to build their image" examines the reationship of young aspiring politicians to the topic of political image. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image and whether they are actively seeking to build their own political image. Young aspiring politicians are defined for purposes of this thesis as members of youth political organizations Young Social Democrats and Young Conservatives over 18 years old. The first part of this thesis summarizes theoretical findings on the issue of political image in terms of political marketing and political communication and defines political youth organizations and describes their function in relation to society and political parties. The second part of this thesis examines the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image through qualitative research using semi-structured interviews as research tool.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T14:32:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Celia Borges Dalberio.pdf: 658758 bytes, checksum: ad71cd95c14d8ed1eb2ffd3f95ea6769 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The general objective of the present investigation consisted of knowing what was/is realized in the daily one of the Uberaba City schools about the Pedagogical-Politician Project and its interference in the teachers formation, in the democratic management, the active participation of the community school in the taking of decisions and, finally, in the conquest of the quality improvement of education and, therefore, in the adoption of a curriculum that favors more inclusive a school. The research on the PPP relations justifies itself for still not have been explored in locus and the problematic one chosen, in a context of more than one decade of experience. Our initial hypothesis was the PPP is a document that guides the routes and redirects the pedagogical practice pertaining to school, being able to accumulate the education quality. For the research accomplishment we guide us by the critical-dialectic perspective, a Paulo Freire perspective. Initially we made a bibliographical research, followed of a documentary research and, after that, we realized interviews with 52 educators of the Education Secretariat of Uberaba-MG, by means questions guided for a half-structuralized script. We evidence that it had a small advance in the democratic process of the municipal Uberaba schools; however, the participation is still shy and very incipient. The community insufficiently intervenes with the school life; it remains immobilized, without democratic conscience and inert by means of the politician indifference related to the education quality, a legal and legitimate right. The construction and the PPP experience had also insufficiently intervened with the teachers formation, education quality improvement and, therefore, with the curriculum redirecting and the reach of a more inclusive school. However, we continue believing the PPP can be capable to accumulate the education quality when assumed as proper project. As hopeful perspective we point the awareness and mobilization of the community, with respect to the collective and active participation with the public institutions and agencies to ask its rights and to act/to construct, together with the educators, a more human, emancipator, democratic school / O objetivo geral da presente investigação consistiu em conhecer o que foi/é realizado no cotidiano das escolas do Município de Uberaba-MG, com relação ao Projeto Político -Pedagógico e sua interferência na formação dos professores, na gestão democrática, na participação ativa da comunidade escolar na tomada de decisões e, por último, na conquista de a melhoria da qualidade de ensino e, portanto, na adoção de um Currículo que favoreça uma escola mais inclusiva. A pesquisa sobre as relações do PPP se justifica por não ter sido ainda explorada no lócus e na problemática escolhidos, num contexto de mais de uma década de experiência. Nossa hipótese inicial foi de que o PPP é um documento que orienta os rumos e redimensiona a prática pedagógica escolar, com poder para adensar a qualidade da educação. Para a realização da pesquisa nos orientamos pela perspectiva crítico-dialética, numa perspectiva freireana. Inicialmente fizemos uma pesquisa bibliográfica, seguida da pesquisa documental e, em seguida, realizamos entrevistas com 52 educadores da Secretaria de Educação de Uberaba-MG, mediante questões orientadas por um roteiro, semi-estruturado. Constatamos que houve pequeno avanço no processo democrático das escolas municipais de Uberaba, entretanto, a participação é ainda muito tímida e incipiente. A comunidade pouco interfere na vida da escola, pois permanece imobilizada, sem consciência democrática e inerte mediante o descaso político quanto à qualidade da educação, que é um direito legal e legítimo. A construção e a experiência do PPP pouco interferiram também na formação dos professores, na melhoria da qualidade de ensino e, portanto, no redimensionamento do Currículo e no alcance de uma escola mais inclusiva. Contudo, continuamos acreditando que o PPP, quando assumido como projeto próprio, pode ser capaz de adensar a qualidade de educação. Como perspectivas esperançosas apontamos a conscientização e mobilização da comunidade, para a participação coletiva e ativa junto às instituições e órgãos públicos, para cobrar os seus direitos e agir/construir, solidariamente com os educadores, uma escola mais democrática, humana e emancipadora

Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça é considerado o primeiro jornalista brasileiro. Ao lançar em Londres, em 1º de junho de 1808, o Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, também fundou a imprensa política em língua portuguesa. Seu periódico, que circulou todos os meses de junho de 1808 a dezembro de 1822, foi objeto de vários historiadores e comentaristas. Sua inserção nos quadros da maçonaria e a conseqüente passagem pelos cárceres da Inquisição, em Lisboa, também receberam alguma atenção de nossa historiografia. Contudo, a viagem que empreendeu em sua juventude à América do Norte ainda é tema praticamente inexplorado. Tratava-se de uma missão oficial, inserida no contexto de um ambicioso projeto desenvolvido pela Coroa portuguesa nas últimas décadas do século XVIII, com o intuito de modernizar a economia colonial. Ali o jovem naturalista deveria investigar inovações e adquirir conhecimentos úteis à diversificação da agricultura no Brasil. Agente desta política de Estado, Hipólito da Costa chegou aos Estados Unidos aos 24 anos de idade, em dezembro de 1798. Lá permaneceria até fins de 1800, registrando os percalços da missão e suas impressões sobre a jovem nação norte-americana em seu Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. Este trabalho é uma tentativa de interpretar as representações que ele construiu sobre os Estados Unidos em seu diário de viagem, tendo este documento como base principal, mas não exclusiva. Também são utilizados textos que ele escreveu durante sua permanência na América do Norte e ainda escritos de sua maturidade, publicados no período de seu exílio em Londres. Ao cotejar estes escritos, a pesquisa segue a assertiva de que a viagem aos Estados Unidos foi um marco importante na trajetória de Hipólito da Costa e as idéias com as quais conviveu ali uma das matrizes de sua escrita e de seu pensamento político. / Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça is considerated the first brazilians journalist. When launching the Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, in Junes first of 1808, in London he has also founded the politicians press in portuguese language. His journal was been studied by several historians and commentators. His masonrys participation and the consequent ticket for the jails of the Inquisition, at Lisbon, also received some attention from our historiography. Meanwhile his youths North America travel remains an unexplored subject. It was an official mission, part of an ambitious Portuguese crowns project, developed in the last few decades of century XVIII, intending to modernize colonial economy. There, the young naturalist would have to investigate innovations and to acquire useful knowledge to brazilians agriculture diversification. Agent of this State politician, Hipólito da Costa has arrived at the United States at the age of 24, in December of 1798. He would remain there until 1800 ends, registering his mission profits and impressions about the young North America nation in his Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. This job is an intention to interpret the North America representations he has build in his travel diary, taking it by main base, but not exclusive. Thats also been used his writings from North America stay and from his maturity, published during his London exile. When considering these writings, the research follows the assertive one of that the travel to the United States was an important landmark in the Hipólito da Costa trajectory and the ideas he has coexisted was one of the matrices of his writings and politician thoughts.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leon Rosa da Silva Santos.pdf: 433138 bytes, checksum: 156a6cdab4b00fbc624ba4fa022b5bdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as objective to analyze the possible similarity between speeches of the candidates to the Presidency of the Republic, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) and Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) in the 2006 elections. It mentions to the presence of `myths' verified in the government programs, under the optics of Roland Barthes concepts. In parallel, it will treat to locate diversities in this standardization and to understand the reason of the differences. The specific corpus of the research is constituted by the texts of the government projects, presented in the websites of political factions of the candidates. The work raises the hypothesis of that the related speeches are resembled for the superficiality. In a country that has a lot of problems, as Brazil, it becomes easy to mount a program that brings the solutions for the yearnings of the population, that they are notified daily in the media. The work will also question the myth and simulacrum concepts, according to Roland Barthes and Jean Baudrillard, respectively; with the objective to show that the superficiality in the programs is intentional and intending to deceive the electors. Moreover, the definitions of Ideology and Politic Marketing will be studied, claiming to understand what these two terms treat in the current context of the Brazilian politics. About Ideology , It will be used the critiques of authors as Slavoj Zizek and Terry Eagleton, that possess a crossing with the Myth concept, considered by Barthes. The focus of this work is, therefore, the identification of the mythical elements that had occurred in the 2006 election, as well observing how the marketing politician intervenes with the ideological process. Through studies on this theme it is possible to identify, how the marketing became the main tool in the elective process, when it unites itself with the advertising, as producing of myths. Together, they construct realities that start to exist from the moment, where a speech of maintenance of the status quo becomes predominant, in relation other contrary voices of its institution / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a possível semelhança entre os discursos dos candidatos à Presidência da República, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) e Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB), nas eleições de 2006. Ele se refere à presença de mitos verificados nos programas de governo, vistos sob a ótica dos conceitos barthesianos. Em paralelo, ele tratará de localizar diversidades nessa padronização e entender a razão das diferenças. O corpus específico da pesquisa é constituído pelos textos dos programas de governo, apresentados nos websites dos partidos políticos dos candidatos. O trabalho levanta a hipótese de que os referidos discursos assemelham-se pela superficialidade. Em um país que possui diversos problemas, como o Brasil, torna-se fácil montar um programa que traga as soluções para os anseios da população, que são noticiados diariamente nos meios de comunicação. O trabalho ainda questionará os conceitos de mito e simulacro, segundo Roland Barthes e Jean Baudrillard, respectivamente, com o objetivo de mostrar que a superficialidade nos programas é intencional, com vistas a ludibriar o eleitor. Além disso, serão estudadas as definições sobre Ideologia e Marketing Político, visando compreender o que esses dois termos tratam, no contexto atual da política brasileira. Sobre Ideologia , serão utilizadas as críticas de autores como Slavoj Zizek e Terry Eagleton, que possuem um cruzamento com o conceito de Mito proposto por Barthes. O foco deste trabalho é, pois, a identificação dos elementos míticos que ocorreram na eleição de 2006, bem como observar de que modo o marketing político interfere no processo ideológico. Através de estudos sobre o tema é possível identificar de que modo o marketing tornou-se a principal ferramenta nos processos eletivos, uma vez que se alia à publicidade, como produtores de mitos. Juntos, constroem realidades que passam a existir, a partir do momento em que um discurso de manutenção do status quo torna-se predominante em relação a outras vozes contrárias à sua instituição

Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça é considerado o primeiro jornalista brasileiro. Ao lançar em Londres, em 1º de junho de 1808, o Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, também fundou a imprensa política em língua portuguesa. Seu periódico, que circulou todos os meses de junho de 1808 a dezembro de 1822, foi objeto de vários historiadores e comentaristas. Sua inserção nos quadros da maçonaria e a conseqüente passagem pelos cárceres da Inquisição, em Lisboa, também receberam alguma atenção de nossa historiografia. Contudo, a viagem que empreendeu em sua juventude à América do Norte ainda é tema praticamente inexplorado. Tratava-se de uma missão oficial, inserida no contexto de um ambicioso projeto desenvolvido pela Coroa portuguesa nas últimas décadas do século XVIII, com o intuito de modernizar a economia colonial. Ali o jovem naturalista deveria investigar inovações e adquirir conhecimentos úteis à diversificação da agricultura no Brasil. Agente desta política de Estado, Hipólito da Costa chegou aos Estados Unidos aos 24 anos de idade, em dezembro de 1798. Lá permaneceria até fins de 1800, registrando os percalços da missão e suas impressões sobre a jovem nação norte-americana em seu Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. Este trabalho é uma tentativa de interpretar as representações que ele construiu sobre os Estados Unidos em seu diário de viagem, tendo este documento como base principal, mas não exclusiva. Também são utilizados textos que ele escreveu durante sua permanência na América do Norte e ainda escritos de sua maturidade, publicados no período de seu exílio em Londres. Ao cotejar estes escritos, a pesquisa segue a assertiva de que a viagem aos Estados Unidos foi um marco importante na trajetória de Hipólito da Costa e as idéias com as quais conviveu ali uma das matrizes de sua escrita e de seu pensamento político. / Hipólito José da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendonça is considerated the first brazilians journalist. When launching the Correio Braziliense ou Armazém Literário, in Junes first of 1808, in London he has also founded the politicians press in portuguese language. His journal was been studied by several historians and commentators. His masonrys participation and the consequent ticket for the jails of the Inquisition, at Lisbon, also received some attention from our historiography. Meanwhile his youths North America travel remains an unexplored subject. It was an official mission, part of an ambitious Portuguese crowns project, developed in the last few decades of century XVIII, intending to modernize colonial economy. There, the young naturalist would have to investigate innovations and to acquire useful knowledge to brazilians agriculture diversification. Agent of this State politician, Hipólito da Costa has arrived at the United States at the age of 24, in December of 1798. He would remain there until 1800 ends, registering his mission profits and impressions about the young North America nation in his Diário da minha Viagem para Filadélfia. This job is an intention to interpret the North America representations he has build in his travel diary, taking it by main base, but not exclusive. Thats also been used his writings from North America stay and from his maturity, published during his London exile. When considering these writings, the research follows the assertive one of that the travel to the United States was an important landmark in the Hipólito da Costa trajectory and the ideas he has coexisted was one of the matrices of his writings and politician thoughts.

The development that the Swedish society has experienced during the last four decades and the higher part of the population coming from foreign countries calls for a more intensive research on the situation of these groups. The purpose of this study is to find explanations of the differences in the share of immigrant politicians in Linköping and Norrköping. The starting point of the study is a model of factors assumed to affect the representation of immigrants in the municipality assemblies. The immigrant composition, the municipality organization and the view of democracy of the politicians, are all assumed to affect the civic participation. The civic participation is then assumed to affect the representation of immigrants in the municipality. The model stipulates that in a municipality with a low representation of immigrants you can expect an immigrant composition of low participating immigrant groups. Furthermore the model stipulates that in such a municipality you will also find a more participationhostile organization and politicians with a less participationfriendly view of democracy. The opposite is true for a municipality with a high level of representation of immigrants. When tested on Linköping and Norrköping the model well seemed to explain the differences in the level of representation of immigrants in the two municipalities.

Situated work in the intersectionof two disciplines- Analysis of the Pragmatic Speech and, aiming at to analyze argumentative organization of the speech ownership politician. The presupposition of that has as research hypothesis the DPP, independent by the partisan filiations that of the support, presents the same argumentative organization, searchs It takes as corpus the speech of ownership of the Governor of State of Sergipe: Marcelo Déda (PT) and the speech of ownership of Governor of State of Paraná, Roberto Requião (PMDB). It uses as theoretical support Searle (1981 and 2002), Austin (1990), Levinson (1989), Armengaud (2006), Brandão (2004), Orlandi (1990, 2005 and 2005b), Ferreira (2005), Pêcheux (2002), Althusser (1998) e Foucault (2007), Amossy (2005), Motta e Salgado (2008), Maingueneau (2008) e Charaudeau (2006), Osakabe (2002), Bakhtin (2000), Marcuschi (2005), Bazerman (2005) e Meurer (2002). It characterizes the DPP while independent literal sort, used in a specific communicative situation, displays the theories that had guided the analysis, make the analysis of the categories mentioned above, dive these categories in the argumentative organization proposal for Osakabe and conclude ratifying the initial hypothesis. / Trabalho situado no entrecruzamento de duas disciplinas Análise do Discurso e Pragmática, visando a analisar a organização argumentativa do discurso político de posse. Tem como hipótese de pesquisa a pressuposição de que o DPP, independente da filiação partidária que o dá suporte, apresenta a mesma organização argumentativa. Toma como corpus o discurso de posse do Governador do Estado de Sergipe, Marcelo Déda (PT) e o discurso de posse do Governador do Estado do Paraná, Roberto Requião (PMDB. Utiliza como suporte teórico Searle (1981 e 2002), Austin (1990), Levinson (1989), Armengaud (2006), Brandão (2004), Orlandi (1990, 2005 e 2005b), Ferreira (2005), Pêcheux (2002), Althusser (1998) e Foucault (2007), Amossy (2005), Motta e Salgado (2008), Maingueneau (2008) e Charaudeau (2006), Osakabe (2002), Bakhtin (2000), Marcuschi (2005), Bazerman (2005) e Meurer (2002) e outros. Caracteriza o DPP enquanto gênero textual autônomo, utilizado em uma situação comunicativa específica, expõe as teorias que nortearam a análise, faz a análise das categorias acima mencionadas, mergulha essas categorias na organização argumentativa proposta por Osakabe e conclui ratificando a hipótese inicial.