Global ETD Search

21	Dissenting Democrats : Nation and Democracy in the Republic of Moldova Johansson, Andreas January 2011 (has links) The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova’s majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root. Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support. The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike. Moldova Moldavia MSSR transition ethnic group nation national division nation-building democracy democratization polyarchy political support correspondence analysis Moldovanism Romanianism Gagauz Yeri Transnistria
22	Demokratiska begränsningar i Bosnien-Hercegovina år 2018 : En studie utifrån Polyarkins sju institutioner / The democratic restrictions in Bosnia-Herzegovina during 2018 : A study based on the seven institutional guarantees of Polyarchy Basic, Hana January 2018 (has links) This study aims to investigate and identify the democratic restrictions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018. The country is internationally known for its burdensome history of war in the 1990s, however, Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to be in the process of developing. In addition to having one of the world’s most complicated political systems, the country’s efforts to improve their democracy have not been recognized. Therefore, the question at issue will be operationalized by utilizing the theory of polyarchy composed by Robert Dahl. This theory establishes seven institutions; elected political officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, the right to run for public office, freedom of expression, alternative sources of information and associational autonomy. These institutions will be examined using empiricism that has been developed with textual analysis. Moreover, the institutions will be analyzed to ascertain if these rights can be found within the Bosnian society. The results revealed that only one of the institutions, namely, “inclusive suffrage” is maintained in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Four of the remaining institutions, which are; elected political officials, free and fair elections, the right to run for public office and associational autonomy, were recognized as partially maintained. The last two institutions; the right to run for public office and alternative sources of information did not meet the requirements. Due to these results, it can be established that Bosnia and Herzegovina does not maintain all seven requirements of Dahl’s theory. Despite the country’s efforts to improve their democracy, the democratic process of Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to have ceased. Bosnia-Herzegovina Democracy Polyarchy Political System Social Sciences Samhällsvetenskap
23	Stegvis förändring för demokratisering i Kina-en möjlighet? Fredlund, Petra January 2009 (has links) The aim of this essay is to investigate the situation for democracy in China. The study raises two main questions. They are as follows: Are there obstacles to a democratization process in China? and Are there openings when it comes to a gradual change for democratization in China? The theoretical framework consists of Robert A.Dahl´s Polyarchy theory, and in addition , five factors promoting democracy. Also the notion of an MDP-society (a modern, dynamic and pluralistic society) is looked upon. A qualitative case literature study has been the research method used. The results of the study show that the obstacles consist mostly of the strong rule by the communist party, the CPC. This might even increase with time. And if it should fall, there might be other powerful groups prepared to rule the country. But there are also openings to a more democratic China. A growing level of education, a growing economy, the existence of village elections, a developing judicial system and a change among values among the Chinese people indicates this direction. Also the emergence of the use of Internet and cellphones add a democracy promoting aspect to the case. China politics democratization Polyarchy theory MDP-society
24	Hur mår demokratin i Palestina? : En fallstudie med utgångspunkt i Robert Dahls Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition / Is Palestine a democracy? : A case study based on Robert Dahl's Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition Löwe, Konstantin January 2017 (has links) This essay seeks to explore to what extent Palestine can be described as a democracy. It uses political theorist Robert A. Dahl's model of Polyarchy, as laid out in his book Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, as theoretical framework, giving an account of Dahl's eight requirements for democracy, as well as his theoretical scale divided into the two dimensions liberalization and participation which allows one to determine how far a country has come in the process of democratization. A case study of Palestine is then conducted by comparing the polyarchic model with empirical findings, the central source being Freedom House. The conclusion is reached that Palestine is lacking in a number of key requirements for democracy, resulting in the classification of both the Gaza Strip as well as the West Bank as being best described as inclusive hegemonies, or near-inclusive hegemonies. Palestine Gaza Strip West Bank Israel Robert Dahl Polyarchy Democracy Inclusive Hegemony
25	Irakiska Kurdistan – Ett annat Irak? : En jämförande studie av Irakiska Kurdistans demokrati Runge, Erik January 2017 (has links) This paper’s purpose is to assess Kurdistan Region of Iraq’s democracy, in two different points in time: one stretching from 1992 to 2003 and another stretching from 2003 to 2017. Robert A. Dahl’s polyarchy model is used as the theoretic framework and an ideal type. The polyarchy model contains seven different criteria (referred to as “institutions” by Dahl) that all need to be met for the “country” to be considered a polyarchy (which is what is most usually referred to as a “democracy”). The material is mostly based on annual reports and other source material from human rights organizations such as Reporters without Borders and Freedom House, but also from independent election observers. The conclusion of this paper is that Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the second time period fulfills the criteria for having “Free and Fair elections”, which it did not in the first time period (1992 – 2003). The criteria “Alternative sources of information” was however fulfilled in the first time period, but not the second. Although the most basic institutions of polyarchy, such as elected officials and universal suffrage, are present in the first time period (1992 – 2003) the actual restrictions on freedom of speech and alternative sources of information, makes Kurdistan Region of Iraq fall short of polyarchy in that time period. Although there is an overall improvement in some of the criterion from the first time period to the second, Kurdistan Region of Iraq does not fulfill all of the necessary criterion to be considered a polyarchy in the second time period either. Iraq Kurdistan democracy polyarchy freedom of speech freedom of the press elected officials
26	Přechody k demokracii a jejich problémové aspekty v geopolitické perspektivě / The Transition Towards Democracy and its Problematic Aspects in Geo-Politic Perspektive Hozáková, Michala January 2008 (has links) Diploma thesis "The Transition Towards Democracy and its Problematic Aspects in Geo-Politic Perspective " deals with the theory of democracy, the transition towards democracy and the political development in specific regions. The aim of this thesis is to summarize both general thoeretical concepts about the topic and current studies about illiberal democracies in the 21st century. My thesis starts with the analysis of the meaning of the term liberal democracy as well as the term modern nation state, whereas the emphasis is given on the conditions to be found beyond both. This is followed by the introduction to main transition concepts. Within the logic of my topic it is stressed especially the nature of removed political regime which could be crucial for the outcome of the transition. My diploma thesis deals also with an institutional engineering which is often overlooked but of high importance. The question of hybrid regimes is closely linked to previous topic because it can help us to undestand all problematic aspects of transition. Last chapter is dedicated to specific African regimes which are usually hidden in a shadow of interest of politican science. I will argue that the very analysis of their nature can prove the importance of functional political institutions as a base for succesfull...
27	Irans kvinnor : Och deras möjligheter till politisk påverkan Andersson, Emmy January 2010 (has links) The purpose of this study is to examine the actual political conditions that exist for the Iranian women. What is the political reality of the Iranian women and how can they exert political influence within the political system that exists in Iran today. This is done to see how the Iranian women's potential political influence affects Iran's democratic status. This will be answered through the overall research question: What opportunities do the Iranian women have to influence policy? This overall question is then split into three smaller research questions: 1) What formal possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have? 2) What real possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have? 3) How have women in Iran tried to exert political influence outside the institutional framework? This will be done through a qualitative text analysis where texts concerning the Iranian women’s political influence are examined. The theoretical basis for the study is Dahl's theories of an ideal democracy and polyarchy together with radical and liberal feminism. The Iranian women have many formal rights and opportunities for political influence given by the Constitution but these are not transferred to reality. The Iranian women have also been active in various political actions to influence their situations and the policies of the country. Because of the fact that women are underrepresented in political institutions, prevented from standing for all political offices and that the government exercises strong control over both women and society Iran cannot be considered to meet Dahl's five criteria for an ideal democracy or the seven institutions necessary for polyarchy. Therefore Iran cannot be regarded as an ideal democracy or as a polyarchy. According to radical and liberal feminism Iran also has a patriarchal political system with a society that supports the male dominance over its women. Polyarchy political influence constitutional rights patriarchy ideal democracy Polyarki politiskt inflytande konstitutionella rättigheter patriarkat ideal demokrati
28	Gloarchy : Polyarchy in the Age of Globalization Öjehag Pettersson, Andreas January 2008 (has links) This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory. By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained. Democracy Globalization Polyarchy World-System Theory Neo-liberalism and Political Philosophy Demokrati Globalisering Polyarki Världssystem Teori Nyliberalism och Politisk Filosofi
29	La politique mandataire britannique en Irak : à la recherche d'un « principe d'accord » : le traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul, 1918-1926 / British policies in Iraq : in the search of a « principle of agreement » : the treatment of the kurdish nationalist movement in the Mosul vilayat, 1918-1926 Arikanli, Zeynep 25 January 2016 (has links) Ce travail se concentre sur comment un acteur justifierait ses actions dans des 'environnements hétérogènes et fragmentés. Le but est de démontrer qu’en l’absence d’un principe d’accord contraignant les actions des acteurs, les relations entre les partenaires d’action égaux basculeraient dans la polyarchie et celles entre les partenaires d’action inégaux basculeraient respectivement dans l’arrangement, la discorde et finalement, la violence. A cette fin, cette recherche se concentre sur les politiques mandataires britanniques en Irak à travers une étude de traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul dans une période s’étendant du 30 octobre 1918 au 5 juin 1926. Le 30 octobre 1918 est la date à laquelle l’Armistice de Moudros a été signée entre les Alliés et l’Empire ottoman (à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale) suite à laquelle les Britanniques occupèrent Mossoul. Le 5 juin 1926 correspond à la date de la signature du Traité d’Angora qui devait régler la question de la frontière turco-irakienne, connue aussi comme la Question de Mossoul / This study focuses on how an actor justifies its actions in heterogenous and fragmented environments. It aims at proving that in the absence of a principle of agreement constraning the actors’ actions, the relations between equal partners of action turn into polyarchy whilst those between inequal ones end in arrangement, contention and finally, violence. To this end, this research concentrates on the British mandatory policies in Iraq through the management of Kurdish nationalist movement in the wilaya of Mosul from 30rd October 1918 to 5th 1926. The 30rd October 1918 is the date of the signature of Armistice of Mudros between the Allies and the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. It is in the aftermath of this armistice that the British occupied Mosul. In 5th 1926, Turkey and Great Britain signed the Treaty of Angora which settled the question of frontier between Turkey and Irak, a question which is also known as Question of Mosul Grande-Bretagne Irak Mossoul Wilaya Kurdes Mouvement nationalitaire Mandat Société des Nations Justification Principe d’accord Critique Accord Arrangement Discorde Polyarchie Nomos Formes de grandeur Référentiel Great Britain Iraq Mosul Wilaya Kurds Nationalist movement Mandate Ligue of Nations Justification Principle of agreement Criticism Agreement Arrangement Contention Polyarchy Noms Forms of magnitude Baseline
30	Paix soutenable : rapports de force et affaiblissement des extrémistes en Angola, en Colombie, au Salvador et au Mozambique de 1989 à 1999 Chinchilla, Fernando A. January 2007 (has links) Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal. Incertitude politique Political uncertainty Incertidumbre política Institutions Institutions Instituciones Rapports de force Balance of power Relaciones de fuerza Extrémisme Extremism Extremismo Modération Moderation Moderaciíon Tierces parties Third parties Terceras partes Polyarchie Polyarchy Poliarquía Partage de pouvoir Power sharing Poder compartido Paix soutenable Sustainable peace Paz sostenible Paix précaire Precarious peace Paz precaria Recherche Search Búsqueda Maintien et construction de la paix Peacekeeping and peacebuilding Mantenimiento y construcción Transition Transition Transición Pacification Pacification Pacificación Démocratisation Democratization Democratización

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