Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2005.

Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2005.

Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2005.

During the last twenty years there has been a proliferation of local studies of Poor Law administration, many of them concerned with the period of transition from the Old to the New Poor Laws. This thesis complements other local studies; it offers a detailed examination of Poor Law administration in and around the rapidly expanding industrial town of Bradford. At the same time, the thesis seeks to broaden the scope of such local studies by placing the Poor Law more firmly within its local social, economic and political context. Bradford's experiences are compared with those of other, particularly northern, urban Unions, and for the period after 1848, detailed comparison is made between Poor Law administration in the neighbouring Bradford and North Bierley Unions. Chapter 1 highlights those elements of Bradford's economic and social structure likely to exert the greatest influence on Poor Law administration. Chapter 2 examines administrative structures and relief practices under the Old Poor Law, with particular reference to the area's claim to-administrative efficiency. Chapter 3 examines local reactions to the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act and traces the history of Bradford's popular anti-Poor Law movement. Chapter 4 investigates the new administrative structure. Chapter 4(1) evidences the occupational and political distinctions between the Borough and non-Borough Guardians, highlighting the political dimension of Poor Law administration. Chapter 4(ii) analyses the mechanics of relief distribution and Chapter 4(iii) examines the New Poor Law's'shaky financial base. Chapter 5(i) looks at the fate of the principles of 1834 with regard to able-bodied paupers and at the debate surrounding the introduction of the Outdoor Labour Test Order. Chapter 5(ii) deals largely with the provision of outdoor medical relief. Chapter 5(iii) examines the Workhouse regime and the treatment of particular groups of inmates, such as the mentally ill and vagrants. The education provided for Workhouse children is compared with that available to the independent poor. The Chapter concludes with a detailed examination of the Workhouse debate of 1846-8. Chapter 5(iv) investigates non-statutory relief provision in Bradford and attempts to assess its qualitative and quantitative importance. Chapter 6 examines the operation of the Law of Settlement, the workings of the non-resident relief system and the immediate impact of the legislation of 1846-7. Chapter 7 outlines the Poor Law authorities' involvement in bastardy affiliation actions. Chapter 8 assesses the impact of the New Poor Law and considers some of the major determinants of relief policy, including a survey of local attitudes to poverty. Part One concludes with the Union's division in 1848. Part Two considers the more settled administration of the 1850s and 1860s, building on the framework used in Part One. Chapter 9 looks at the occupations, politics and conduct of business of the Bradford and North Marley Boards of Guardians. Chapter 10 traces changes in the system of distributing relief and in the Poor Law's financial base, with particular reference to the financial reforms culminating in the Union Chargeability Act of 1865. Chapter 11 pursues the able-bodied debate, continues the earlier survey of outdoor medical relief and examines the novel provision of education for the children of outdoor paupers. Chapter 12 catalogues the erection of new Union Workhouses in Bradford and North Bierley and traces their evolving role as general pauper hospitals. Chapter 13 examines the enlarged contribution of charities in Bradford while Chapter 14 surveys the continuing but reduced impact of the Law of Settlement. Chapter 15 comments on the changes seen in the later period.

In this Master's dissertation, I would like to explore a symbolic reading of John 11 (The raising of Lazarus) from the perspective of the church's mission to bring about the liberation of the poor. I believe that as one does so, one might discover that in the Gospel writer's original intention, the figure of Lazarus may never have been intended as a literal historical person, but rather as a symbolic representation of the poor, the marginalized and the oppressed. Such a reading of John 11 might throw new light on the Fourth Gospel's understanding of Jesus and his mission. In doing so, I believe that John 11 might become a foundational text to guide and motivate committed Christian mission in favour of the poor. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

PhDRDV / Institute for Rural Development / See the attached abstract below

The dissertation examines the experience of the landless in the ancient Near East as expressed in the book of Lamentations. Land theology has focused on land loss but not on the people who lost it. Similarly, the interpretation of Lamentations has focused on human suffering or on God’s absence not on land loss neither on the landless. This study investigates the phenomenon of landlessness in the Near Eastern world (over the span of 6th and 7th centuries BCE) and how people reacted to such experiences. They lamented over the destruction of shrines, homes, towns and land. Land loss is a prominent feature in city laments. Lamentations relied on these kinds of lament to express the Judeans’ land loss experience. The Zion theology which had granted an unconditional blessing of protection and stability to Jerusalem and to its people, completely failed on the Babylonian invasion in 587 BCE. The ‘landless genesis’ of the nation from the period of the ancestors (Cain and Jacob) remains in the memory of Daughter of Zion and of the deported man as they lament over the loss of Jerusalem. / Theology / M. Th. (Old Testament)

Thesis (PhD (Social Work))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Domestic violence crosses all boundaries and is regarded as a universal challenge affecting women of all spheres of life. Domestic violence is seen as a serious social problem in South Africa. It is regarded by many researchers as a leading cause of female injury. Domestic violence can be described as an act by a member of a family against another member with intent to do physical injury, psychological or emotional harm, or an assault or a threat that reasonably places that member in fear of imminent physical injury or emotional harm. It has major consequences, not only for the abused woman, but also for her children and society at large. Many low-income women cannot escape their abusive circumstances due to a lack of resources. Despite the fact that they cannot leave their situation, many women display certain strengths, helping them to deal with their difficult situation. These women can be viewed as heroic, assertive and persistent. They are not victims, but active survivors. The social work profession could benefit from greater insight into the strengths and coping mechanisms of low-income female survivors of domestic violence. The goal of the study is to gain an understanding of low-income female survivors’ experience of domestic violence, focusing on their environmental resources (including family, friends and community) and on their coping mechanisms (inner resources/strengths). To achieve this goal, the objectives are: to present a theoretical overview of the nature and extent of domestic violence; to describe the environmental resources (such as family, friends and community) of low-income abused women from the ecological perspective; to explore the coping mechanisms (inner resources) of these women in terms of the principles of the strengths perspective; and to analyse and interpret the data obtained from the study. The research utilises an exploratory and descriptive design. The research question is, “What are the experience (environmental resources) and coping mechanisms (inner resources) of lowincome female survivors of domestic violence?” This question was addressed by means of qualitative research. Twenty participants took part in the study. Purposive and snowball sampling were used to select the participants. They were interviewed by the researcher, and the data obtained from the interviews were organised into themes. Five themes namely, the experience of domestic violence, low-income, resources, coping mechanisms and statutory intervention were identified. These themes were further divided into sub-themes and categories. Conclusions derived from the data included: domestic violence is a phenomenon that cuts across all racial, marital status or age boundaries; some low-income female survivors of domestic violence experience their situation as stressful; low-income is one of the determining factors preventing some abused women to leave their situation; resources play a significant part in the lives of some low-income abused women; certain strengths from some low-income battered women help them cope; and some abused low-income women do not find an Interim Protection Order (IPO) or the police to be helpful. The recommendations are that social workers should assess primary, secondary and tertiary intervention in dealing with domestic violence; the ecological and strengths perspectives combined would be helpful in assessing resources and coping mechanisms in low-income abused women and collaboration between social workers, the court and the police could help low-income abused women to use statutory services effectively. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesinsgeweld ken geen grense nie en word beskou as ’n universele bedreiging vir vroue uit alle sektore van die samelewing. Gesinsgeweld word beskou as ’n ernstige maatskaplike probleem in Suid-Afrika. Dit word deur baie navorsers beskou as ’n hoofoorsaak van vrouebeserings. Gesinsgeweld kan beskou word as ’n daad deur een lid van die gesin teen ’n ander wat gemik is op fisieke skade, sielkundige of emosionele teistering, of ’n aanval of ’n dreigement wat die lid van die gesin laat vrees vir fisieke beserings of emosionele skade. Dit het grootskaalse gevolge, nie net vir die mishandelde vrou nie, maar ook vir haar kinders en vir die breër gemeenskap. Baie lae-inkomste vroue kan nie uit hulle gewelddadige situasie ontsnap nie, vanweë beperkte bronne. Nieteenstaande die feit dat baie vroue nie hul huidige omstandighede kan ontkom nie, toon hulle sekere sterktes wat hulle help in hulle moeilike omstandighede. Hierdie vroue kan beskou word as heldinne wat nie tou opgooi nie. Hulle is nie slagoffers nie, maar oorleef aktief [Engels: “active survivors”]. Die maatskaplikewerkprofessie kan baat by groter insig in die sterktes en hanteringsvaardighede van lae-inkomste vroue wat gesinsgeweld oorleef. Die doel van die studie is om groter insig te verkry in lae-inkomste vroue se ervaring van gesinsgeweld, veral hulle omgewingsfaktore (insluitende familie, vriende en gemeenskap) en van hulle hanteringsmeganismes (innerlike bronne/sterktes). Om hierdie doel te bereik, is die doelwitte: om ’n teoretiese aanbieding van die aard en omvang van gesinsgeweld te gee; om die omgewingsbronne (soos familie, vriende en gemeenskap) van lae-inkomste mishandelde vroue te verduidelik; om die hanteringsmeganismes (innerlike bronne) van hierdie vroue te eksploreer in terme van die beginsels van die sterkte perspektief; en om die data van die studie te analiseer en te interpreteer. Die navorsingsontwerp is eksploratief-beskrywend van aard. Die navorsingsvraag lui soos volg: “Wat is die ervaring (omgewingsfaktore) en hanteringsmeganismes (innerlike bronne) van lae-inkomste vroue wat gesinsgeweld te bowe kom?” Die vraag is aangespreek deur middel van kwalitatiewe navorsing. Twintig deelnemers het deelgeneem aan die studie. Doelgerigte- en sneeubal steekproeftegnieke is gebruik om die deelnemers te verkry. Die navorser het met hulle onderhoude gevoer en die data wat verkry is, is georganiseer in temas. Vyf temas, naamlik die ervaring van gesinsgeweld; lae inkomste; bronne; hanteringsmeganismes; en statutêre intervensie is geïdentifiseer. Die temas is in subtemas en kategorieë onderverdeel. Gevolgtrekkings wat gemaak is uit die data is: gesinsgeweld is ’n verskynsel wat alle ras-, huwelikstatus- of ouderdomsgrense oorskry; sekere lae-inkomste vroulike oorwinnaars van gesinsgeweld ervaar hulle situasie as stresvol; hulpbronne speel ’n betekenisvolle rol in die lewens van sommige lae-inkomste mishandelde vroue; sekere sterktes van lae-inkomste mishandelde vroue help hulle om die situasie te hanteer; en sekere lae-inkomste, mishandelde vroue vind nie ’n Interim Beskermingsbevel (IB) of die polisie as hulpvaardig nie. Die aanbevelings is dat maatskaplike werkers primêre, sekondêre en tersiêre intervensie behoort te assesseer by gesinsgeweld; die ekologiese en sterktes perspektiewe behoort saam aangewend te word om die omgewingsbronne en hanteringsmeganismes van lae-inkomste mishandelde vroue te ondersoek; en samewerking tussen maatskaplike werkers, die hof en polisie kan lae-inkomste mishandelde vroue help om statutêre dienste beter te benut.

Thesis (MDF (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die langtermynversekeringsindustrie het voorheen slegs finansiële produkte en dienste ontwerp, wat gefokus was op die middel tot hoër inkomstegroepe. Die armes was dus uitgesluit, primêr as gevolg van die laer inkomstegroepe wat nie lewensversekeringsprodukte kon bekostig nie. Inteendeel, arm huishoudings is, en was, meer kwesbaar vanweë die feit dat hulle geredelik blootgestel word aan meer diverse risiko’s – mensgemaakte, sowel as natuurlike risiko’s - terwyl hulle juis diegene is wat minder middele het om dit bestuur. Hierdie toedrag van sake het egter drasties verander gedurende die afgelope paar jaar. Die onderskeie partye, insluitend verteenwoordigers van die langtermynversekeringsindustrie, het konsensus bereik ten opsigte van die ontwikkeling van die Finansiële Sektor Handves wat in ooreenstemming is met die nasionale swart ekonomiese bemagtigingstrategie. Die oogmerk van die Finansiële Sektor Handves was nie net om mense in die laer inkomstegroepe te bemagtig nie. Dit het ook ten doel om finansiële insluiting te verseker, en mettertyd, die aktiewe deelname van die armes in die hoofstroom van die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie. ’n Stel toegangstandaarde was gevolglik ontwikkel en geïmplementeer, wat die langtermynversekerings-produkaanbiedinge aan LSM 1-5 reguleer (met ander woorde vir die doeleindes van hierdie verslag, huishoudings wat minder as R3 000 per maand verdien). Die doel van die standaarde wat ontleed word in hierdie verslag, is om te verseker dat die langtermynversekeringsindustrie geskikte produkte ontwerp wat die minimum standaarde soos beskryf in die Finansiële Sektor Handves, nakom. In beginsel word die toepaslikheid en geskiktheid van die toegangstandaarde in hierdie verslag geëvalueer, met die oogmerk om te bepaal wat die standaarde inhou vir beide die verbruiker asook die lewensversekeraar van ’n verslaggewingsperspektief. Die eerste deel van die toegangstandaarde wat goedgekeur is deur die Finansiële Sektor Handves in 2007, het slegs begrafnisdekking ingesluit, terwyl die tweede deel gefokus het op nie-begafnisprodukte en sedert 2008 geïmplementeer is. Laasgenoemde het die volgende dekking ingesluit: lewensversekering, dekking vir fisiese ongeskiktheid, kredietlewensversekering en gewone lewensversekering. Die toegangstandaarde wat van toepassing is op verbandlenings is egter nog nie gefinaliseer nie en is gevolglik nie ingesluit in hierdie verslag nie. ’n Fundamentele vraag ten opsigte van die daarstelling van toegangsprodukte vir die laer inkomstegroepe, is wat die rol is van die publiek vergeleke met die privaatsektor en dié van die regering. Terwyl die regering optree as die wetgewer, moet dit ook daarteen waak om nie te veel van ’n rigiede proses vir die privaatsektor daar te stel nie. Die wetgewer moet die relevante reëls en regulasies stipuleer en sekerheid verskaf ten opsigte van die inhoud daarvan. Terselfdetyd moet die wetgewer ook die privaatsektor asook `n klimaat van innovasie ondersteun, sowel as die daarstelling van ’n stabiele regulerende atmosfeer. Behalwe die ontwikkeling van geskikte, bekostigbare en minder komplekse produkte, berus die verantwoordelikheid op die privaatsektor om vertroue te skep in die langtermynversekerings-industrie asook om die noodsaaklikheid van risiko-dekking te propageer. Versekeraars het verder nodig om die laer inkomstegroepe as ’n winsgewende segment te beskou, terwyl die armes versekering as ’n noodsaaklike vereiste moet beskou. Hoe meer vertroue geskep word deur die versekeringsindustrie, hoe minder sal mense in die laer inkomstegroepe hul geld belê in die informele sektor wat gekenmerk word deur die afwesigheid van regulering, minder sekuriteit en hoër risikos. Dit is verder noodsaaklik vir die sukses van die verskaffing van toegang tot finansiële produkte, om in gedagte te hou watter impak dit op die verbuiker sal hê. Met betrekking tot die produkte wat ontwikkel en bemark word deur die lewensversekeringsindustrie: spreek dit werklik die behoeftes van die laer inkomstegroepe aan en dra dit positief by tot transformasie? Die privaatsektor is as gevolg daarvan grotendeels afhanklik van marknavorsing en analises oor verbuikerstendense gemeet oor tyd. Die impak wat finansiële produkaanbiedinge het op die laer inkomstegroepe, kan gevolglik nie onafhanklik beskou word nie want die behoeftes, verwagtinge en profiel van die onderste deel van die piramide sal met verloop van tyd verander. Mededinging dra as sulks ook positief by tot die daarstelling van toegang tot finansiële produkte en dienste. Dit dwing die privaatsektor (die lewensversekeringsmaatskappye) om vorendag te kom met innoverende wyses om effektiewe toegangsprodukte en dienste te kan lewer aan die armes. Die bring mee dat die verbruiker waarde vir geld kry wanneer finansiële produkte en dienste aangekoop word van lewensversekeraars. Met verwysing na die toepaslikheid van die langtermynversekeringsindustrie se toegangstandaarde en of dit die behoeftes van die armes bevredig: die lewensversekeringsindustrie het inderdaad baie bereik gedurende die afgelope paar jaar, deurdat konstruktiewe geleenthede geskep is vir die laer inkomstemark. Gegewe die minimum-vereistes soos uiteengesit in die Finansiële Sektor Handves, kan die armes nou ook langtermynversekeringsprodukte bekom wat uitdagings soos fisiese beskikbaarheid, toegang tot transaksies, bekostigbaarheid, diskriminasie en kompleksitiet aanspreek. Dit is daarom noodsaaklik vir die doeleindes van effektiewe finansiële insluiting, om vir verbruikersopleiding ook voorsiening te kan maak. Finansiële geletterdheid sal in beginsel die laer inkomstegroepe in staat stel om hulself te kan bemagtig en terselfdertyd die teikengroep in staat stel om meer ingeligte besluite te kan neem ten opsigte van hul finansies. Laasgenoemde kan egter nie in isolasie geskied nie. Finansiële geletterheid en dus verbruikersopleiding, is minstens net so belangrik. Dit is juis daarom dat, bo en behalwe die regering wat die rol as wetgewer vertolk deur die toepassing van die reg, al die betrokke partye veronderstel is om ’n gemeenskaplike oogmerk te hê. Met ander woorde, dit verwys direk na transformasie en die doelwit om mense in die laer inkomstegroepe te bemagtig – nie net om finansiële insluiting te bewerkstelling nie, maar van meer belang, om te verseker dat die armes oor die vermoë beskik om meer ingeligte besluite te kan neem oor hul finansies. Hierdie aspek sal veral bydra tot effektiewe toegang tot finansële dienste in die ware sin van die woord - as die armes ’toegelaat’ word om meer aktief deel te kan vorm van die hoofstroom van die land se ekonomie. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Previously, the long-term insurance industry only developed financial products and services that were mainly targeted at the middle to high income groups. The poor have thus been excluded, primarily due to them not being able to afford financial products and services offered by life insurers. However, poor households are, and have been, more vulnerable because they are often exposed to more diverse risks, both ‘man- made’ and natural, whilst having fewer instruments to manage them. This state of affairs has drastically changed during the past couple of years. The respective stakeholders, including representatives from the long-term insurance industry, reached consensus with regards to the development of the Financial Sector Charter which is aligned to the national black economic empowerment strategy. The objective of the Financial Sector Charter is not only to empower people in the lower income groups. It also aims to ensure financial inclusion and, eventually, the active participation of the poor in the mainstream of the South African economy. A set of access standards that governs life insurance products and services offered to LSM 1-5 (i.e. for the purposes of this report, households earning less than R3 000 per month), were developed and implemented accordingly. The objective of the access standards, analysed in this report, is to ensure that the long term insurance industry develops appropriate products that meet the minimum standards defined in the Charter. In principle, this report evaluates the feasibility of the access standards with the aim of ascertaining what the standards imply for both the consumer as well as the life insurer from a reporting perspective. The first set of access standards, approved by the Financial Sector Charter in 2007, included funeral products only, whereas the second phase, which focused on nonfuneral products, came into effect in 2008. The latter is applicable to the following financial products: life cover, physical impairment cover and credit life cover. The access products standards relevant to mortgage protection are not yet finalised and have therefore been excluded from this report. A fundamental question in terms of providing access to the low income groups is the role of the public versus private sector delivery as well as that of government. Whilst government acts as the lawmaker, it also needs to be sensitive towards not creating too much ‘red tape’ for the private sector to comply with. The regulator should therefore stipulate and clarify the relevant rules and regulations, but at the same time support the private sector and encourage a climate of innovation as well as creating a stable regulatory environment. Apart from developing appropriate, affordable and less complex insurance products, the private sector’s responsibility is to create trust in the insurance industry as well as to promote the need for risk insurance. Insurers thus need to see low income earners as a profitable segment, whereas poor people need to see insurance as a necessity. The more trust is created by the insurance sector, fewer people in the low income groups will invest their money in the informal sector which entails no regulation, less security and higher risks. It is furthermore pivotal for the success of access to financial services to take into account how this will impact on the consumer. With respect to the products developed and marketed by the life insurance industry: does it really meet the needs of the poor and does it contribute positively to transformation? The private sector is therefore heavily dependent on research and analyses of consumer trends measured over time. As a result, the impact that financial product offerings have on the low income earners cannot be dealt with on its own, because as time passes so will the needs, expectations and profile of the bottom of the pyramid change. On its own, competition tends to also contribute positively towards access to financial services. It forces the private sector (i.e. life insurance companies) to come up with innovative ways of providing effective access, products and services to the poor. This ensures that the end user gets value for money, when procuring financial products and /or services from life insurers. In respect of the viability of the long-term insurance industry’s access standards and whether or not it speaks to the needs of the poor: the life industry has indeed achieved a lot over the past couple of years, by creating constructive opportunities for the lower end of the market. Given the minimum requirements as per the Financial Sector Charter, poor people can now also obtain long-term insurance products that address challenges with regards to physical accessibility, transactional access, affordability, non-discrimination and the level of complexity. However, more important for the low income group to participate effectively in the mainstream of the South African economy, is the fact that the need for financial literacy is even bigger. It is one thing to have the right of entry (i.e. access) to the financial services sector in terms of life insurance product offerings, but it is different if that same target audience does not have the ‘know-how’ to use and implement the products developed. It is hence an imperative for the purposes of effective financial inclusion to also make provision for consumer education. In principle, financial literacy will enable the lower income groups to become more empowered and at the same time, ensure that the target audience is equipped to make more informed decisions about the finances. Given the latter, it can however not happen in isolation. Financial literacy and thus consumer education, is equally important - if not more. It is therefore critical that, apart from government fulfilling its role as regulator by upholding the rule of law, all the stakeholders should have a universal goal. In other words, this directly addresses transformation and the objective of empowering people in the lower income groups – i.e. not only to ensure financial inclusion, but more importantly to enable poor people to make more informed decisions about their finances. And only this will contribute to effective transformation in the true sense of the word - if poor people are ‘allowed’ to become more actively involved in the mainstream of the South African economy.

published_or_final_version / Asian Studies / Master / Master of Arts