The aim of this dissertation was to analyse the effect of socio-economic factors on poverty in Nyakallong. Nyakallong is a former Black township in the Free State Province of South Africa. The effect of the socio economic factors on poverty was analysed using an econometric model. The analysis was based on data collected by the researcher and three fieldworkers who conducted a survey of 412 households in Nyakallong in 2009. To calculate poverty rates and the effect of socio-economic factors, data relating to the area was used. Poverty was defined and then measured for the township, and the profile of both the whole and the poor population was determined. The following poverty lines are used in South Africa – PDL, MSL, MLL, SLL, HSL and HEL. The HSL, which is defined as an estimate of the theoretical income needed by an individual household to maintain a defined minimum level of health and decency in the short term, was used as a measure of poverty in the area. The headcount index, poverty gap ratio and the dependency ratio were also used to measure poverty. The headcount index was found to be 0.472 for Nyakallong, meaning that 47.2% of all household’s income is below their respective poverty line. Poverty rate in Nyakallong was found to be 48.5% which is almost similar to the poverty rate of 49.1% for the Free State province, while poverty rate in Kwakwatsi was found to be 62.1%. The analysis of the sources of income of the poor showed that government grants constitute 64% of household income, with the old state pension grant alone contributing 16% to household income for a poor family. In Kwakwatsi, government grants contributed 38.4% of poor household’s income, with the old state pension grant having contributed 40.6%. On average, the whole population has a monthly income of R2 938, 35 compared to R1 140 which is received by the poor population; while in Kwakwatsi, the poor population received a monthly income of R688 and the whole population received an average of R1401.01. The expenditure patterns for the whole sampled population show that 39.7% of household income goes to buying food, compared to 44.3% for the poor sampled population of Nyakallong. In Kwakwatsi, poor population spent 49.2% of income on food and the whole population spent 33.4%. In Nyakallong, 50% of the whole population and 53% of the poor population was found to be economically inactive. In Kwakwatsi, 44% of the whole population and 56% of the poor population was found to be economically inactive. The unemployment rate of the poor in Nyakallong is 95.6% compared to 69.9% of the whole population. In Kwakwatsi 86.9% of the poor population and 79% of the whole population were unemployed. The dependency ratio was found to be 6 among the poor population and 2 for the whole population of Nyakallong, while in Kwakwatsi it was found to be 7 among the poor population and 4 among the whole population. The study analysed the socio-economic determinants of poverty in the area. The data was evaluated using hypothesis testing for statistical significance of the parameters. It was established that there is a positive relationship between education and the poverty gap ratio although it is statistically insignificant. It was also found that there is an inverse relationship between employment and poverty ratio. This complies with theory. The results also showed a positive relationship between household expenditure and the poverty gap – this is what was expected, because expenditure is the reduction of resources. On gender, the results confirm the generally held hypothesis that female headed households are poorer compared to their male counterparts. The results show that poverty is high among female headed households compared to male headed households. Household size was measured by the number of people staying in a given house. The household size was found to range from one to eleven members per household. The average household size was found to be 4.2 in Nyakallong, 3.9% in Kwakwatsi and 3.4% in the Free State. Household size is an important variable in determining poverty – increasing the household size by 10% is likely to increase the poverty gap of the household by about 1%. This might seem not significant, but this is a result that must be noted and handled with caution. More people in households also mean more expenditure on food items, medical expenses, clothing and education. In order to reduce the level of poverty in Nyakallong, job creation and employment opportunities should be targeted. The nearby university of technology and FET College should inform learners at secondary schools about funds (NFSAS) available to help them in furthering their studies. Educators should also engage learners to realise the disadvantages of large household size. Large organisations such as ESCOM and Harmony Gold could help by means of skills development, especially among youth and females, in order to make them employable. Unemployment can also be reduced by putting back into operation the closed mine shaft and Allanridge Sanatorium hospital. A food garden community programme should be established in order to reduce the level of poverty. People who are involved should be trained on how to manage and develop the programme. / MCom, Economics, North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2012

This dissertation studies poverty and the economics of child-headed and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. The study takes interest in five main areas, namely, poverty, unemployment, child and grandmother-headed households, the state of poverty and unemployment in Sebokeng as well as the living conditions of child and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. The approach in this dissertation was to define and measure poverty and unemployment and to determine the poor population of Sebokeng. This was done by making use of household level indicators. Poverty was measured by employing the following indicators: the Household Subsistence level (HSL) as poverty line, the head count index, the poverty gap and the dependency ratio. A comparison was done between Sebokeng and Bophelong. Sebokeng has a higher level of poverty (85%) than that of Bophelong (67%) while the unemployment rates (27%) is lower than that of Bophelong (31%). Most indicators (level of education, income, expenditure) prove that Bophelong is better off compared to Sebokeng. This dissertation takes further interest in comparing child and grandmother-headed households to “normal” households in Sebokeng. The study found that the main source of income for child-headed households is foster and child support grants (54%) while pension grants serve as the main source of income for both grandmother-headed households and “normal” households (65%).The study therefore proves that child-headed households are worse off financially and otherwise in comparison to grandmother-headed and “normal” households. If more social worker assistance was available to these orphans in the form of assistance with the application for identity documents and birth certificates at the Department of Home Affairs, these orphans would not be as worse-off as was found in this study. The dissertation concludes that the depth of poverty in child-headed households is thus greater than that of grandmother-headed and “normal” households, and it recommends that government should take further steps to reduce the unemployment rate by paying attention to the preferred skills of the population of Poverty and the economics of child and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. Sebokeng by offering training to enhance those skills. Food gardening projects should be organised so that the poor can sustain themselves and earn an income in the process. The dissertation also recommends that government should take more interest in improving the lives of these orphans by encouraging them to go to school and in obtaining identity documents. This can be possible through the assistance of social workers as these two elements can open many doors to a better life for these orphans. / Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

This dissertation studies poverty and the economics of child-headed and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. The study takes interest in five main areas, namely, poverty, unemployment, child and grandmother-headed households, the state of poverty and unemployment in Sebokeng as well as the living conditions of child and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. The approach in this dissertation was to define and measure poverty and unemployment and to determine the poor population of Sebokeng. This was done by making use of household level indicators. Poverty was measured by employing the following indicators: the Household Subsistence level (HSL) as poverty line, the head count index, the poverty gap and the dependency ratio. A comparison was done between Sebokeng and Bophelong. Sebokeng has a higher level of poverty (85%) than that of Bophelong (67%) while the unemployment rates (27%) is lower than that of Bophelong (31%). Most indicators (level of education, income, expenditure) prove that Bophelong is better off compared to Sebokeng. This dissertation takes further interest in comparing child and grandmother-headed households to “normal” households in Sebokeng. The study found that the main source of income for child-headed households is foster and child support grants (54%) while pension grants serve as the main source of income for both grandmother-headed households and “normal” households (65%).The study therefore proves that child-headed households are worse off financially and otherwise in comparison to grandmother-headed and “normal” households. If more social worker assistance was available to these orphans in the form of assistance with the application for identity documents and birth certificates at the Department of Home Affairs, these orphans would not be as worse-off as was found in this study. The dissertation concludes that the depth of poverty in child-headed households is thus greater than that of grandmother-headed and “normal” households, and it recommends that government should take further steps to reduce the unemployment rate by paying attention to the preferred skills of the population of Poverty and the economics of child and grandmother-headed households in Sebokeng. Sebokeng by offering training to enhance those skills. Food gardening projects should be organised so that the poor can sustain themselves and earn an income in the process. The dissertation also recommends that government should take more interest in improving the lives of these orphans by encouraging them to go to school and in obtaining identity documents. This can be possible through the assistance of social workers as these two elements can open many doors to a better life for these orphans. / Thesis (M.Com. (Economics))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

Thesis (D. Min.)--Westminster Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, 2000. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-277, 309-322).

In recent decades historians have 'discovered' agency in a wide range of geographical and temporal contexts, amongst many different types of actor. This dissertation employs the concept of agency to dissect the dynamics of power in early nineteenth-century London charities. Concurrently, it uses charity to test the potential applications of agency as a historical concept and as a tool for historical analysis. Through case studies of five different types of charity in early nineteenth-century London, this dissertation explores the varied ways in which plebeians exercised their agency. The case studies engage with current definitions of agency 'intentional action, resistance, the defence of rights and customs, exerting control over one's own life, autonomy, strategy, choice, and voice' and test the boundaries of the concept, proposing different ways in which scholars might characterise agency. This dissertation not only examines how the poor exerted their agency, but also how philanthropists conceptualised the agency of the poor. Although agency had a different set of meanings in the early nineteenth century than it does today, Georgian commentators nevertheless discussed the same phenomena that historians today label as agency. This dissertation considers how philanthropists attempted to mould the agency of their beneficiaries and how the agency of the poor shaped charitable organisations. For all its prevalence, agency is an under-theorised and problematic concept. There is no consensus about what agency is or how to locate it. As a result, agency is a slippery concept that seems to elude meaning. Historians are often so personally invested in the project of recovering the agency of subalterns that they underestimate the structural constraints acting on agency or they project modern conceptions of agency on to the subjects of their study. This dissertation subjects agency to critical examination that is long overdue. It argues that agency, as an 'essentially contested' concept, is a powerful tool for dissecting subtle and diverse dynamics of power. This dissertation proposes and demonstrates ways in which scholars can employ the concept usefully, mitigating its problematic aspects.

The main purpose of this study was to evaluate the impact of co-operative societies on poverty alleviation among the urban poor in Zimbabwe with particular reference to consumer co-operative societies in areas of agriculture, housing and micro- finance. The co-operative sector plays an important role in poverty alleviation since many unemployed people have turned to co-operative activities as a way of earning a lawful and decent living during a period in which Zimbabwe generally suffered immense impoverishment in the midst of the national economic meltdown that was characterised by hyper-inflation, de-industrialisation and mass unemployment. The period of study was as from January 2008 to August 2010. This period is significant in that many co-operative societies were formed with the following broad objectives: (a) economic power and through this power; (b) control of socio-economic institution, to eliminate exploitation of man by man to make the people of Zimbabwe self reliant; (c) skills management, goods and services and establish in themselves a sense of confidence, initiative and high development aspirations; (d) to provide an opportunity to develop the community; and a (e) collective way of living that provides a sound base for socialism and national solidarity ix In this study, two hundred and seventy four respondents were used as research subjects. This consisted of one hundred and sixty respondents from housing, twenty four from micro- finance, and eighty eight from agricultural co-operative societies which covered dairy, poultry and fishing co-operative societies. This also included the Registrar of Co-operatives and the Harare City Council Co-operative officer. The research instruments that were used for the purpose of this research study were questionnaires, field visits, interviews and observations. Use was also made of secondary data that was obtained from the offices of Registrar of Co-operatives and the Town clerk of the Harare City Council as well as from the various co-operative societies that constitute the research study’s sample. The key factors that account for the failure of co-operative societies included the lack of adequate funding, lack of relevant knowledge and experience about co-operative activities, conflict among co-operative society members, failure to follow co-operative principles, mixing politics with co-operative activities and lack of education and training. The study also found out that the key to the success of any co-operative venture includes some of the following factors: Proper application of co-operative principles, the provision of co-operative education to both the membership and management of co-operative societies and proper keeping of institutional records. Most important of which include membership, financial and asset registers. x The study recommends that the government should give adequate administrative and financial support to co-operative societies since they have a potential of alleviating poverty if properly managed. It is also further recommended that research be done in order to enhance the strategic management of co-operative societies since empirical evidence tends to suggest that they are a viable tool for broad –based participatory and democratic sustainable livelihoods development. The study also recommended further studies to be carried out on the applicability of cooperative principles in all environments since some co-operative societies that have followed these principles especially in the developed countries have proved to be suitable instruments for poverty alleviation.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo compreender e interpretar o papel do consumo na construção e manutenção de identidades individuais e coletivas, em famílias de pobres urbanos, na cidade de Porto Alegre. Entendendo o consumo como um processo cultural, busco compreender como indivíduos situados nos estratos mais baixos da hierarquia social brasileira se relacionam entre si e com o mundo por meio da aquisição e do uso dos mais variados bens e serviços. Para tanto, apoiei-me sobre um referencial teórico que privilegiou a interdisciplinaridade, transitando entre a Antropologia, a Sociologia e o Marketing. A opção pela etnografia, como abordagem metodológica, se deu por conta da intenção de verificar a função do consumo na lógica das relações sociais e familiares quotidianas dos pobres urbanos. Na busca pelos significados de suas práticas era preciso dar voz privilegiada aos informantes e transcender o nível do discurso. Mais que isso, o método etnográfico permitiu acessar as diferentes facetas do consumo no dia a dia dos pobres a partir de uma imersão em seu ambiente natural, promovendo uma “descrição densa” (GEERTZ, 1989) dessa realidade. Entre os bens que se mostraram importantes para o dia a dia dos indivíduos aqui pesquisados, a casa constitui-se como o lugar por excelência da família e para onde se direciona a maior parte do investimento doméstico. Os produtos eletrônicos desempenham o importante papel de colocar os indivíduos em sintonia com a sociedade de consumo, enquanto os móveis e eletrodomésticos organizam a vida doméstica e incrementam o desempenho dos papéis femininos na casa. O vestuário, por sua vez, se mostrou um importante veículo pelo qual os indivíduos mais jovens conseguem camuflar a sua identidade de pobre, que é positivamente afirmada por meio da “ética da fartura” no consumo de alimentos, a partir do qual eles buscam se afastar da necessidade e se opor, ao mesmo tempo, aos “pobres-pobres” e aos ricos. Já as marcas, possuem a função de potencializar os significados associados a cada categoria de produtos e são fonte privilegiada de informações acerca de sua qualidade. O crédito se revelou como a principal forma de aquisição de bens e como um sistema de obrigações que pode reforçar os laços de amizade entre os iguais. Na evolução de minha trajetória de pesquisa pude perceber a existência de nuances entre grupos de moradores da comunidade pesquisada, o que resultou na caracterização de três subclasses, cujas diferenças estruturais se devem, principalmente, a diferentes combinações de quantidades de Capital Econômico, Cultural e Social (BOURDIEU, 1987). De maneira geral, os resultados mostram que o consumo atua como elemento central na construção e manutenção de identidades na vida dos pobres urbanos. Contudo, em uma sociedade profundamente hierarquizada e desigual como a brasileira, o consumo não se mostrou capaz remover as históricas e cristalizadas barreiras sociais, mas se revelou um poderoso mecanismo de diferenciação intra-classes. / This monograph aims to comprehend and to interpret the role of consumption in the construction and maintenance of collective and individual identities in a group of poor urban families in the city of Porto Alegre. Taking consumption as a cultural process, I try to comprehend how individuals located in the lowest stratum of Brazilian social hierarchy relate to each other and to the world by the acquisition and the usage of many goods and services. In order to achieve these goals, I have built a theoretical framework based on the disciplines of Anthropology, Sociology and Marketing. The ethnographic method was chosen because of the intention of examine the role of consumption in the logic of the day-to-day social and familiar relationships in a low income group. Thus, it was needed to give voice to the persons and try to obtain more than verbal data. Furthermore, the ethnographic method permitted to access different dimensions of consumption in the poor’s daily life through a naturalistic approach, achieving a “thick description” (GEERTZ, 1989) of this social reality. The house figured between the most important goods for these individuals, being a place for the family and to where most part of consumption investments are directed to. Electronics were found to play an important role putting people into modernity, while furniture and household appliances organize private life and enhance the mother’s role. The clothes were important vehicles to hide a negative poor identity, in the other hand, the consumption of food submitted to an “abundance ethic” were basic to affirm positively such identity, in contrast to rich and indigent people. For this community, a well-known brand is able to enhance the meanings associated to each category of products and is an important source about quality. Credit was the very way of buying goods and is seen as an obligation system capable of reinforce friendship. In the evolution of my fieldwork, I could notice the existence of nuances between groups in the researched community, which resulted in the characterization of three sub-classes based on differences in the structure of Economic, Cultural, and Social Capital (BOURDIEU, 1987). In general, the findings show that consumption is a central component in the construction and maintenance of identities in urban poor’s daily life. However, it is unable to remove the social barriers in the Brazilian society, acting as a powerful instrument of intra-class distinction.

The dissertation examines the experience of the landless in the ancient Near East as expressed in the book of Lamentations. Land theology has focused on land loss but not on the people who lost it. Similarly, the interpretation of Lamentations has focused on human suffering or on God’s absence not on land loss neither on the landless. This study investigates the phenomenon of landlessness in the Near Eastern world (over the span of 6th and 7th centuries BCE) and how people reacted to such experiences. They lamented over the destruction of shrines, homes, towns and land. Land loss is a prominent feature in city laments. Lamentations relied on these kinds of lament to express the Judeans’ land loss experience. The Zion theology which had granted an unconditional blessing of protection and stability to Jerusalem and to its people, completely failed on the Babylonian invasion in 587 BCE. The ‘landless genesis’ of the nation from the period of the ancestors (Cain and Jacob) remains in the memory of Daughter of Zion and of the deported man as they lament over the loss of Jerusalem. / Theology / M. Th. (Old Testament)

O presente estudo tem por objetivo compreender e interpretar o papel do consumo na construção e manutenção de identidades individuais e coletivas, em famílias de pobres urbanos, na cidade de Porto Alegre. Entendendo o consumo como um processo cultural, busco compreender como indivíduos situados nos estratos mais baixos da hierarquia social brasileira se relacionam entre si e com o mundo por meio da aquisição e do uso dos mais variados bens e serviços. Para tanto, apoiei-me sobre um referencial teórico que privilegiou a interdisciplinaridade, transitando entre a Antropologia, a Sociologia e o Marketing. A opção pela etnografia, como abordagem metodológica, se deu por conta da intenção de verificar a função do consumo na lógica das relações sociais e familiares quotidianas dos pobres urbanos. Na busca pelos significados de suas práticas era preciso dar voz privilegiada aos informantes e transcender o nível do discurso. Mais que isso, o método etnográfico permitiu acessar as diferentes facetas do consumo no dia a dia dos pobres a partir de uma imersão em seu ambiente natural, promovendo uma “descrição densa” (GEERTZ, 1989) dessa realidade. Entre os bens que se mostraram importantes para o dia a dia dos indivíduos aqui pesquisados, a casa constitui-se como o lugar por excelência da família e para onde se direciona a maior parte do investimento doméstico. Os produtos eletrônicos desempenham o importante papel de colocar os indivíduos em sintonia com a sociedade de consumo, enquanto os móveis e eletrodomésticos organizam a vida doméstica e incrementam o desempenho dos papéis femininos na casa. O vestuário, por sua vez, se mostrou um importante veículo pelo qual os indivíduos mais jovens conseguem camuflar a sua identidade de pobre, que é positivamente afirmada por meio da “ética da fartura” no consumo de alimentos, a partir do qual eles buscam se afastar da necessidade e se opor, ao mesmo tempo, aos “pobres-pobres” e aos ricos. Já as marcas, possuem a função de potencializar os significados associados a cada categoria de produtos e são fonte privilegiada de informações acerca de sua qualidade. O crédito se revelou como a principal forma de aquisição de bens e como um sistema de obrigações que pode reforçar os laços de amizade entre os iguais. Na evolução de minha trajetória de pesquisa pude perceber a existência de nuances entre grupos de moradores da comunidade pesquisada, o que resultou na caracterização de três subclasses, cujas diferenças estruturais se devem, principalmente, a diferentes combinações de quantidades de Capital Econômico, Cultural e Social (BOURDIEU, 1987). De maneira geral, os resultados mostram que o consumo atua como elemento central na construção e manutenção de identidades na vida dos pobres urbanos. Contudo, em uma sociedade profundamente hierarquizada e desigual como a brasileira, o consumo não se mostrou capaz remover as históricas e cristalizadas barreiras sociais, mas se revelou um poderoso mecanismo de diferenciação intra-classes. / This monograph aims to comprehend and to interpret the role of consumption in the construction and maintenance of collective and individual identities in a group of poor urban families in the city of Porto Alegre. Taking consumption as a cultural process, I try to comprehend how individuals located in the lowest stratum of Brazilian social hierarchy relate to each other and to the world by the acquisition and the usage of many goods and services. In order to achieve these goals, I have built a theoretical framework based on the disciplines of Anthropology, Sociology and Marketing. The ethnographic method was chosen because of the intention of examine the role of consumption in the logic of the day-to-day social and familiar relationships in a low income group. Thus, it was needed to give voice to the persons and try to obtain more than verbal data. Furthermore, the ethnographic method permitted to access different dimensions of consumption in the poor’s daily life through a naturalistic approach, achieving a “thick description” (GEERTZ, 1989) of this social reality. The house figured between the most important goods for these individuals, being a place for the family and to where most part of consumption investments are directed to. Electronics were found to play an important role putting people into modernity, while furniture and household appliances organize private life and enhance the mother’s role. The clothes were important vehicles to hide a negative poor identity, in the other hand, the consumption of food submitted to an “abundance ethic” were basic to affirm positively such identity, in contrast to rich and indigent people. For this community, a well-known brand is able to enhance the meanings associated to each category of products and is an important source about quality. Credit was the very way of buying goods and is seen as an obligation system capable of reinforce friendship. In the evolution of my fieldwork, I could notice the existence of nuances between groups in the researched community, which resulted in the characterization of three sub-classes based on differences in the structure of Economic, Cultural, and Social Capital (BOURDIEU, 1987). In general, the findings show that consumption is a central component in the construction and maintenance of identities in urban poor’s daily life. However, it is unable to remove the social barriers in the Brazilian society, acting as a powerful instrument of intra-class distinction.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo compreender e interpretar o papel do consumo na construção e manutenção de identidades individuais e coletivas, em famílias de pobres urbanos, na cidade de Porto Alegre. Entendendo o consumo como um processo cultural, busco compreender como indivíduos situados nos estratos mais baixos da hierarquia social brasileira se relacionam entre si e com o mundo por meio da aquisição e do uso dos mais variados bens e serviços. Para tanto, apoiei-me sobre um referencial teórico que privilegiou a interdisciplinaridade, transitando entre a Antropologia, a Sociologia e o Marketing. A opção pela etnografia, como abordagem metodológica, se deu por conta da intenção de verificar a função do consumo na lógica das relações sociais e familiares quotidianas dos pobres urbanos. Na busca pelos significados de suas práticas era preciso dar voz privilegiada aos informantes e transcender o nível do discurso. Mais que isso, o método etnográfico permitiu acessar as diferentes facetas do consumo no dia a dia dos pobres a partir de uma imersão em seu ambiente natural, promovendo uma “descrição densa” (GEERTZ, 1989) dessa realidade. Entre os bens que se mostraram importantes para o dia a dia dos indivíduos aqui pesquisados, a casa constitui-se como o lugar por excelência da família e para onde se direciona a maior parte do investimento doméstico. Os produtos eletrônicos desempenham o importante papel de colocar os indivíduos em sintonia com a sociedade de consumo, enquanto os móveis e eletrodomésticos organizam a vida doméstica e incrementam o desempenho dos papéis femininos na casa. O vestuário, por sua vez, se mostrou um importante veículo pelo qual os indivíduos mais jovens conseguem camuflar a sua identidade de pobre, que é positivamente afirmada por meio da “ética da fartura” no consumo de alimentos, a partir do qual eles buscam se afastar da necessidade e se opor, ao mesmo tempo, aos “pobres-pobres” e aos ricos. Já as marcas, possuem a função de potencializar os significados associados a cada categoria de produtos e são fonte privilegiada de informações acerca de sua qualidade. O crédito se revelou como a principal forma de aquisição de bens e como um sistema de obrigações que pode reforçar os laços de amizade entre os iguais. Na evolução de minha trajetória de pesquisa pude perceber a existência de nuances entre grupos de moradores da comunidade pesquisada, o que resultou na caracterização de três subclasses, cujas diferenças estruturais se devem, principalmente, a diferentes combinações de quantidades de Capital Econômico, Cultural e Social (BOURDIEU, 1987). De maneira geral, os resultados mostram que o consumo atua como elemento central na construção e manutenção de identidades na vida dos pobres urbanos. Contudo, em uma sociedade profundamente hierarquizada e desigual como a brasileira, o consumo não se mostrou capaz remover as históricas e cristalizadas barreiras sociais, mas se revelou um poderoso mecanismo de diferenciação intra-classes. / This monograph aims to comprehend and to interpret the role of consumption in the construction and maintenance of collective and individual identities in a group of poor urban families in the city of Porto Alegre. Taking consumption as a cultural process, I try to comprehend how individuals located in the lowest stratum of Brazilian social hierarchy relate to each other and to the world by the acquisition and the usage of many goods and services. In order to achieve these goals, I have built a theoretical framework based on the disciplines of Anthropology, Sociology and Marketing. The ethnographic method was chosen because of the intention of examine the role of consumption in the logic of the day-to-day social and familiar relationships in a low income group. Thus, it was needed to give voice to the persons and try to obtain more than verbal data. Furthermore, the ethnographic method permitted to access different dimensions of consumption in the poor’s daily life through a naturalistic approach, achieving a “thick description” (GEERTZ, 1989) of this social reality. The house figured between the most important goods for these individuals, being a place for the family and to where most part of consumption investments are directed to. Electronics were found to play an important role putting people into modernity, while furniture and household appliances organize private life and enhance the mother’s role. The clothes were important vehicles to hide a negative poor identity, in the other hand, the consumption of food submitted to an “abundance ethic” were basic to affirm positively such identity, in contrast to rich and indigent people. For this community, a well-known brand is able to enhance the meanings associated to each category of products and is an important source about quality. Credit was the very way of buying goods and is seen as an obligation system capable of reinforce friendship. In the evolution of my fieldwork, I could notice the existence of nuances between groups in the researched community, which resulted in the characterization of three sub-classes based on differences in the structure of Economic, Cultural, and Social Capital (BOURDIEU, 1987). In general, the findings show that consumption is a central component in the construction and maintenance of identities in urban poor’s daily life. However, it is unable to remove the social barriers in the Brazilian society, acting as a powerful instrument of intra-class distinction.