Sverigedemokraterna har på kort tid lyckats etablera sig i Sveriges riksdag och är därför i högsta grad delaktig i den samtida politikens utformning. Precis som Sverigedemokraterna har likasinnade partier fått ökat stöd i större delen av Europa och har numera större möjligheter att kunna påverka EU:s utformning. Mot bakgrund av den ökade framgången för nationalistiska och främlingsfientliga partier syftar denna studie till att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas framställning av EU mellan Europaparlamentsvalet 2014 och Europaparlamentsvalet 2019.   Studien har utförts genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av texter som Sverigedemokraterna och dess företrädare har publicerat. Genom studien kan det konstateras att Sverigedemokraternas framställning av EU utgörs av i stort sett samma kritik genom det aktuella tidsspannet, men att det har skett en förändring i form av att partiet inte längre kräver en folkomröstning för Sveriges medlemskap i EU utan numera anser att det finns en möjlighet att reformera EU inifrån tillsammans med likasinnade partier i Europa.Studien knyter an till en teoretisk referensram som tar avstamp i Margaret Canovans samt Paulina Ochoa Espejo teoretiska redogörelser om populism. Genom dessa presenteras populism som oundvikligt i en demokrati vilket gör det viktigt att förstå hur dessa rörelser uppstår.

Esta tese tem por objeto as relações entre o marxismo de matriz comunista e o nacionalismo popular no Peru, entre os anos 1920 e19 30, e no Brasil, entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Parto da hipótese de que foram essas duas correntes ideológicas concorrentes que plasmaram, entre os anos 1920 e a Revolução Cubana, o universo político-ideológico das esquerdas latino-americanas, em particular, e das classes subalternas do subcontinente, de modo geral. O maior sucesso dos nacionalistas populares em ganhar a adesão dos trabalhadores se deveria à incompreensão dos comunistas em relação à especificidade da questão nacional na região, isto é: o caráter inconcluso da formação das comunidades imaginadas nacionais, tanto pela exclusão da cidadania de amplas camadas populares, como pela dependência externa. Ao longo do trabalho, procurarei demonstrar como essa relação seguiu padrões opostos nos dois países: indo de uma origem comum à hostilidade, no primeiro caso, e do conflito à aliança, no segundo. Explicarei esses padrões divergentes, tanto pelas diferenças entre as respectivas formações sociais, como pelos distintos contextos internacionais, em especial no que se refere ao movimento comunista. Com essa pesquisa comparada, procurarei submeter à crítica as interpretações da chamada teoria do populismo, em especial no que diz respeito ao Brasil e ao problema das relações entre comunistas e nacionalistas no período pré-1964. / This thesis discusses the relationship between the Marxism of communist background and popular nationalism in Peru, during the 1920s and 1930s, and in Brazil, during the 50s and 60s. My hypothesis is that this two concurring ideologies formed, from the 1920s until the Cuban Revolution, the political and ideological universe of the Latin American left, in particular, and that of the subcontinents subaltern classes. The greater ability of the popular nationalists to gain support from the working classes is due to the incomprehension on behalf of the communists of the national problem in the region: the unfinished character of the national imagined communities, caused by the exclusion from citizenship of vast popular masses and external dependency. The work shall demonstrate that the relationship between nationalists and communists followed opposite patterns: going from a common background to hostility in the first case, and from conflict to alliance in the second. With this comparative research, I seek to criticize the interpretations inspired by the theory of populism, especially in the Brazilian case and on the subject of the communist/nationalist relations in the pre-1964 period.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo pesquisar o discurso político produzido pelo Estado Novo, sobretudo pelo seu órgão publicitário mais importante: o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda DIP. Ligado a isso, realiza-se também uma discussão conceitual sobre o papel das classes trabalhadores neste momento e seu relacionamento com o Estado, mostrando como elas inicialmente apareceram na literatura como agentes passivos ou massa, passando posteriormente a serem vistas como atores conscientes de suas ações. O trabalho realiza igualmente uma análise do discurso estadonovista, no qual se percebe como as imagens correntes do regime e a relação do Estado com a sociedade, foram elaboradas e debatidas por intelectuais ligados diretamente ao governo, numa revista oficial, a Cultura Política. Por fim, examina-se como esse discurso se tornava mais palatável, quando o Estado se dirigia diretamente às classes trabalhadoras, como nas festas de Primeiro de Maio. / The aim of this work is to analyze the political discourse produced by the Brazilian Government during the period known as Estado Novo. In particular, the role of DIP (the Department of Press and Propaganda) is investigated in the formulation of this discourse. The dissertation also brings a conceptual discussion about the role of the working classes in this period and their relationship with the State. In sum, the working classes were initially presented in most works as passive agents or masses, but later passed to be considered as conscious actors. Moreover this work analyses the Estado Novo discourse, noting how the images of the regime at the period as well as the manner with which the State related to society were elaborated and debated by intellectuals directly connected to the Government in an official magazine, Cultura Política. Finally the dissertation points out that the political discourse became more appealing in moments such as the May First Celebrations when the State addressed directly to the working classes.

A tese analisa os determinantes do apoio político aos presidentes em seis países da América Latina (Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Equador, México e Venezuela) no período 1996-2004. No final da década de 90 e início da atual, os candidatos vitoriosos nesses países apresentavam algumas características comuns, como a utilização de uma retórica personalista de forte apelo carismático. A emergência do neopopulismo em vários países da América Latina tem sido descrita pela literatura de ciência política (Roberts, 1996, 2003, 2006; Weyland, 1999a, 1999b, 2001; Knight, 1998; Coniff, 1999) como o sucesso de uma estratégia política na qual um líder, geralmente com forte apelo personalista e carismático, busca apoio popular de forma quase direta, sobrepondo-se aos partidos e aos mecanismos de controle externo que definem um regime democrático. A tese investiga 1) a oferta de políticas neopopulistas a adoção de determinadas estratégias por parte de líderes políticos -, 2) a demanda dessas políticas por parte dos eleitores e 3) o resultante processo de legitimação do neopopulismo como a principal força política contemporânea na Região. / The thesis analyses the determinants of political support for presidents in six Latin- American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico and Venezuela) from 1994 to 2004. By the end of the last decade, electoral winners show some common traits like the strong personalistic and charismatic appeals. Some of these new Latin-American leaders were described as \'neopopulists\' according to political science literature (Roberts, 1996, 2003, 2006; Weyland, 1999a, 1999b, 2001; Knight, 1998; Conniff, 1999). \'Neopopulists\' leaders typically seek a direct support from the public to bypass mechanisms of Democratic control. The thesis study the supply of neopopulists policies or the political strategies adopted by some Latin-American leaders - and the public\'s demand for these policies, leading to the legitimization of neopopulism as the most important political force in contemporary Latin America.

This monographic dissertation traces the development of happenings and mass media art in Argentina through the works that Argentine artist Marta Minujín created between 1961 and 1968. It argues that, in its unparalleled pursuit of a mass audience, Minujín’s art articulated a populist logic that allowed it to subvert authoritarianism in an oblique manner based in dissensus. This distinguished Minujín’s practice from that of other politically radicalized Argentine artists, who had turned their art into a form of activism and overt critique of the dictatorship of General Onganía. This dissertation also demonstrates that Minujín’s media-centric happenings and environments adopted a carnivalesque strategy of “positive negation” or ambiguous mimetic excess to reveal and critique the effects of an incipient spectacle culture.

This study critically studies two different manifestos, New democracy manifesto from 1991 and Sweden Democrats manifesto from 2010. The purpose with this is to discover in what way populist rhetoric is used and what parlance the parties have used in these two manifestos. Using Lennart Hellspong’s model for propaganda analysis, textual compilations will be discovered and analyzed through a set of questions. Previous research show that these two parties has a lot in common and even though both have different political ideology and framework, they both have populist rhetoric as one of the key elements in their rhetoric. With Sweden democrats currently being the third biggest party in Sweden there is an interest to see what they have in common with the first populist party in Sweden during the modern era, New Democracy. Do the populist characteristics in Sweden Democrats manifesto have similar attributes as the in New Democracy manifesto? The result of the study shows that the populist rhetoric is used in different ways, with different ideological purposes but is built from the same springboard.

Why does the extreme right grow in some parts of Europe while the radical left rises in others? In studies about both party groups, the hypothesis that economic distress provides them with opportunity is frequently tested. Yet, little effort has been employed in comparing their performances under different economic conditions. This article fills this gap through panel data analysis, with disaggregated data from eight countries in election years between 2002 and 2011. It finds that voting for extreme right parties increases significantly after the financial crisis outbreak of 2008, with no corresponding evidence for radical left parties. Also, extreme right support has a positive link to regional GDP per capita and a negative link to unemployment rates. In contrast, radical left parties perform better where unemployment is higher. The results suggest that economic downturns are mostly beneficial to extreme right parties, but this effect is increasingly neutralized in regions of high unemployment. / Por que a extrema direita cresce em alguns países europeus, ao passo que a esquerda radical cresce em outros? Em estudos sobre ambas as categorias de partido, testa-se frequentemente a hipótese segundo a qual eles têm janelas de oportunidade em crises. Ainda assim, pouco esforço vem sendo feito para comparar como eles se saem sob diferentes contextos econômicos. Este artigo preenche tal lacuna através de análise de dados em painel, com dados desagregados de oito países, em eleições entre 2002 e 2011. O artigo aponta que a votação da extrema direita aumenta significativamente com o desenrolar da crise de 2008, ao passo que não se encontram evidências correspondentes para a esquerda radical. Ademais, o apoio eleitoral à extrema direita é positivamente ligado a índices regionais de PIB per capita, e negativamente ligado a taxas de desemprego. Por contraste, partidos de esquerda radical se saem melhores onde o desemprego é alto. Os resultados sugerem que quedas na atividade econômica são majoritariamente benéficas à extrema direta, mas que tal efeito é crescentemente neutralizado em regiões de alto desemprego.

A democratização da participação política a partir de 1946 caminhou por estratégias que visaram, sobretudo, um maior alcance da mensagem ao eleitorado. Dentre elas, tomamos como exemplo a visualidade das campanhas políticas de Adhemar de Barros em São Paulo, trabalhadas no formato de um veículo inspirado e testado numa experiência ditatorial (então recente) e capaz de \"dar vida\" ao seu o discurso: o cinejornal. Neste caso, o cinejornal Bandeirante da Tela, da Divulgação Cinematográfica Bandeirante. Seu conteúdo propagandístico - apresentado em meios a notícias de \"atualidades\" - carrega signos e valores latentes na sociedade em questão. E nos possibilita investir, analisando a representação adhemarista pela linguagem cinematográfica, na releitura de um momento político ainda pouco visitado pelo viés da História Cultural. Neste caso, por uma História Cultural da Política. / Since 1946 the democratization of political participation has aimed reaching the electors in a wider way. As an example of this we have studied the visibility of the political campaigns of Adhemar Barros in São Paulo. The media vehicle was inspired and tested in a dictatorial context (that was recent at the time) and it gave life to his speech: the newsreel. In this case it was the newsreel Bandeirante da Tela of the Divulgação Cinematográfica Bandeirante. Its propaganda content - which was presented as news - bears signs and latent values of the society in question. This makes it is possible for us to study and read again, analyzing the \"adhemarista\" representation through the cinematographic language, a political moment still unknown to the Cultural History. In this case a Cultural History of the Politics.

This thesis examines party-based Euroscepticism across four different national contexts in the period 2011-3 by bringing into focus right-wing populist parties. Understanding Europeanization as a label for the impact of engagement with the EU and its practical and normative influences on statecraft, policy-making, and the wider society, the thesis looks into the Europeanization of narratives of national identity, minority rights issues, immigration and citizenship. It discusses the way in which the impact of engagement with the EU is perceived as well as the nature of the arguments made against the EU’s involvement in associated policy processes. There has been a recent upsurge in Euroscepticism due to a combination of economic and political factors, on both the popular and party level in EU countries, as well as the increased blurring of the boundaries between mainstream and fringe Eurosceptics. Hence, it is important to analyze the precise reasons behind this phenomenon. The discussion focuses on “soft Euroscepticism” – the thesis is generally not interested in pondering the generic arguments against a country’s membership in supranational entities or shedding light on those parties who oppose the underlying values on which the EU project rests. The thesis therefore probes the attitudes of parties that – with the recent and partial exception of the PVV in the Netherlands – tend to emphasize relatively specific issue-areas as sources of concerns. This work is primarily based on qualitative methods - 32 elite interviews with nationalist-populist politicians including key figures such as party leaders (Rolf Schlierer, Gheorghe Funar), European Parliament representatives (Barry Madlener) and members of the National Parliament as well as of the general party councils (Ventsislav Lakov) in addition to detailed analysis of policy documentation and books authored by party representatives – and highlights and deconstructs these parties’ grievances attributable to nationalistically-oriented concerns. It includes a detailed literature review that clarifies the EU’s impacts and country-specific historical and contemporary differences in the four domains affected by “Europeanization” (Chapters 1-3) and then in Chapters 4-6 uses original empirical data to compare the attitudes of the four parties – Ataka, PRM, REP, and PVV – with regard to the issues already introduced. The thesis utilizes theoretical approaches drawn from several disciplines ranging from political science to sociology, though it mostly confines itself to those pertaining to core group or minority/ethno-regionalist nationalist mobilization, ethnic vs. civic nationalisms in Eastern vs. Western Europe, as well as the different role played by EU conditionality in relation to the political landscape on the two sides of the continent. Extrapolating from this body of research, it develops hypotheses and projections regarding the expected disconnect in viewpoints between Eastern and Western parties. The study finds that attitudes towards “Europeanized” issues areas diverge greatly and do not necessarily correlate with the extent to which EU membership as a whole is opposed by the party. In line with previous research findings, the EU’s capacity to create a super-order nationalism that could challenge conventional readings of patriotism is generally not conceptualized as a significant threat. However, the interviews did reveal that pre-existing transcendent identities – like Latin identity in the case of Romania or the Slavic one in Bulgaria - – are perceived as threatened or as being tacitly degraded due to assumed cultural biases within the EU. At the same time, the reduced salience of such identities among the members of the Western populist parties does not make them more sympathetic to Pan-Europeanism. EU effects on immigration are predictably rated as manifestly detrimental by the West European parties, because they distrust the professionalism of EU agencies and networks, dislike the Eastern Europeans’ increasing involvement in making higher-level decisions and perceive the EU as more liberally inclined than the national government in this realm (with the latter two points especially applicable to the PVV). However, it was interesting that the East Europeans also expressed some disquiet due to the EU’s supposed culpability in encouraging emigration of their own citizens and the presumed unwillingness of the EU organs to offer them the necessary financial means for combating immigration into Bulgaria across the Turkish border. However, contrary to theoretical expectations, the study suggests that there are no hard and fast rules when it comes to the populist party’s proclivity to regard the EU as an ally of “minority lobbies”, with the PVV (the most Eurosceptic party) assessing the relevancy of this aspect as minor, while it is gauged to be of fundamental importance by Ataka (less Eurosceptic than the PVV). Among CEE populists, the thesis shows how “privileged minorities” like Hungarians and Turks are viewed with alarm due to supposedly making use of the EU level in order to advance their secessionist ambitions (Hungarians in Romania) or improve their socio-economic prospects at the expense of the majority (Turks in ethnically mixed regions of Bulgaria). In short, the thesis establishes that there is still a strong dividing line between Eastern and Western populist parties in relation to the assessments made with regard to the impact of the EU on European identity, migration issues and majority-minority dynamics.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jaime de Oliveira Soares.pdf: 443262 bytes, checksum: 328172ed74888e67570fd3f3bb4d7473 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-13 / This research has as discusses the role that the people exercise in the formation of political identities and the construction of political speeches by political movements in Latin America: who are the people in contemporary mass society? What is the weight of its role in social and political events of national social formations in recent history? This study therefore aims to partially reconstruct the main path along the "theory of populism" in the work of academic researcher and teacher, born in Argentina and settled in England, Ernesto Laclau, with the aim of studying its core elements, besides presenting its ruptures and continuities front of historical events. Another objective, also sought, is to present part of the debate of ideas involving currently such a theory within the social sciences, presenting some of his interlocutors. We believe that these objectives are critical to the future that we can produce policy analysis about the political movements in countries (national social formations) in Latin America / Esta pesquisa tem como problemática o papel que o povo exerce no processo de formação das identidades políticas e na construção de discursos políticos por movimentos políticos na América Latina: quem é o povo na sociedade de massas contemporânea? Qual é o peso de seu papel nos acontecimentos sociais e políticos das formações sociais nacionais na história recente? O presente trabalho, portanto, tem por objetivo principal reconstruir parcialmente o longo trajeto da teoria do populismo na obra acadêmica do pesquisador e professor, nascido na Argentina e radicado na Inglaterra, Ernesto Laclau, com o intuito de estudar alguns seus elementos centrais, além de apresentar suas rupturas e continuidades frente aos acontecimentos históricos. Como objetivo específico, também almejado, pretende apresentar parte do debate de ideias que envolve, atualmente, tal teoria dentro das nas ciências sociais, apresentando alguns de seus interlocutores. Pensa-se que tais objetivos são fundamentais para que se consiga futuramente produzir análises políticas acerca das movimentações políticas nos países (as formações sociais nacionais) da America Latina