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In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism. Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.

A proposta do presente trabalho consiste na tradução para o português do romance Kaniksen (O Navio-Fábrica Caranguejeiro, 1929) de Kobayashi Takij. Para chegar ao objetivo proposto, procedemos uma historização da vida e obra de Kobayashi Takiji, no sentido de compreendermos a trajetória literária do autor, seu envolvimento no movimento proletário e o contexto sócio-político em que o romance foi escrito. Visando introduzir O Navio-Fábrica Caranguejeiro ao leitor deste trabalho, são feitos alguns apontamentos sobre o romance: uma apresentação de seu tema e narrativa, um breve levantamento histórico de seu surgimento, suas repercussões no Japão e no mundo, e um levantamento e comentário crítico da obra. / The purpose of this work is the translation of the novel Kaniksen (The Crab Cannery Ship, 1929) by Kobayashi Takij into Portuguese. To reach the proposed objective, we made a historical research about the life and work of Kobayashi Takiji, to understand the literary trajectory of the author, his involvement in the proletarian movement and the socio-political context in which the novel was written. In order to introduce The Crab Cannery Ship the reader of this work, we are made some observations about the novel: a presentation of its theme and narrative, a brief historical research of its appearance, its impact on Japan and around the world, and a survey and critical commentary about the work.

<p>Group songs with direct political messages rose to enormous popularity during the interwar period (1918-1939), particularly in recently-defeated Germany and in the newly-established Soviet Union. This dissertation explores the musical relationship between these two troubled countries and aims to explain the similarities and differences in their approaches to collective singing. The discussion of the very complex and problematic relationship between the German left and the Soviet government sets the framework for the analysis of music. Beginning in late 1920s, as a result of Stalin's abandonment of the international revolutionary cause, the divergences between the policies of the Soviet government and utopian aims of the German communist party can be traced in the musical propaganda of both countries. </p><p> There currently exists no scholarly literature providing a wide-ranging view of the German and Soviet musical exchange during the 1920s and 30s. The paucity of comprehensive studies is especially apparent in the English-language scholarship on German and Russian mass music, also known as "music for the people." Even though scholars have produced works devoted to the Soviet and Weimar mass music movements in isolation, they rarely explore the musical connections between the two countries. The lack of scholarship exploring the musical exchanges between the Soviet Union and Germany suggests that scholars have not yet fully examined the influences that the Soviet and German mass songs and their proponents had on each other during the 1920s and 1930s. Exposing these musical influences provides a valuable perspective on the broader differences and similarities between the Soviet and German communist parties. The connections between Soviet and German songs went beyond straightforward translations of propaganda texts from one language to another; the musical and textual transformations--such as word changes, differences in the instrumental arrangements, and distinct approaches to performance--allow for a more nuanced comparison of the philosophical, ideological, and political aspects of Soviet and the German communist movements. In my dissertation, I consider the musical roots of collective singing in Germany as opposed to Russia, evaluate the musical exchanges and borrowings between the early Soviet communists and their counterparts in the Weimar Republic, and explore the effects of musical propaganda on the working classes of both countries. I see my research as a mediation of existing Soviet and Weimar music scholarship.</p> / Dissertation

Submitted by Natalia Scartezini Rodrigues (nscarod@hotmail.com) on 2018-07-16T18:42:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TEXTO TESE - NATALIA SCARTEZINI RODRIGUES.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-07-17T13:24:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ns_dr_mar.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-17T13:24:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ns_dr_mar.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objeto desta pesquisa são os Conselhos proletários: formas organizativas das quais as classes trabalhadoras lançam mão em situações de ascenso revolucionário e de acirramento das contradições classistas, com vistas a exercerem a autogestão política e produtiva. A tese aqui defendida é que estes Conselhos possuem intrínseco potencial revolucionário, uma vez que superam o trabalho assalariado e a produção de capital - mediante a socialização dos meios de produção - e o Estado enquanto estrutura de dominação própria do sistema sociometabólico do capital e essencial à sua reprodução. Denominando-os como “não-Estado” defende-se, portanto, a tese de que os Conselhos proletários são a antítese dialética do Estado – e não uma forma específica dele -, e por isso, são dotados de efetiva potencialidade disruptiva com o metabolismo social vigente. Sustenta-se ainda como tese secundária que as prerrogativas teóricometodológicas acerca do Estado determinaram e ainda determinam proposições estratégicas específicas aos movimentos revolucionários. Assim, compreende-se que a centralidade depositada na fórmula da “conquista do Estado” e/ou “construção de um Estado proletário” acabou por fazer esmaecer as iniciativas autônomas dos trabalhadores, de maneira a lhes tolher sua potencialidade emancipatória. Desta maneira, este trabalho se estrutura de forma a apresentar as principais características constitutivas dos Conselhos proletários e do Estado, evidenciando as relações que se estabelecem entre estas esferas no âmbito de uma teoria da transição e das experiências históricas. / The object of this research is the proletarian councils: organizational forms of which the working classes resort to situations of revolutionary rise and intensification of class contradictions, with a view to exercising political and productive self-management. The thesis defended here is that these councils have intrinsic revolutionary potential, since they outcome wage labor and the production of capital - through the socialization of the means of production - and the state as a structure of domination proper to the sociometabolic system of capital and essential to its reproduction. Denoting them as “non-state”, therefore, the thesis defended is that the proletarian councils are the dialectical antithesis of the state - and not a specific form of it - and, therefore, they are endowed with an effective disruptive potentiality with the metabolism in force. It is still held as a secondary thesis that the theoretical and methodological prerogatives about the state have determined and still determine specific strategic propositions to the revolutionary movements. Thus, it is understood that the centrality deposited in the formula of the “conquest of the state” and/or “construction of a proletarian state” ended up mitigating the workers’ autonomous initiatives, in order to block their emancipatory potentiality. In this way, this work is structured in such a way as to present the main constitutive characteristics of proletarian and state councils, evidencing the relations that are established between these spheres within the scope of transition theory and historical experiences. / El objeto de esta investigación son los Consejos proletarios: formas organizativas de las cuales las clases trabajadoras lanzan mano en situaciones de ascenso revolucionario y de intensificación de las contradicciones clasistas, con miras a ejercer la autogestión política y productiva. La tesis aquí defendida es que estos Consejos poseen intrínseco potencial revolucionario, una vez que superan el trabajo asalariado y la producción de capital- a través de la socialización de los medios de producción- y el Estado como estructura de dominación propia del sistema sociometabólico del capital y esencial a la su reproducción. Denominándolos como “no-Estado” se defiende, por tanto, la tesis de que los Consejos proletarios son la antítesis dialéctica del Estado -y no una forma específica de él-, y por eso, están dotados de efectiva potencialidad disruptiva con el metabolismo social vigente. Se sostiene todavía como tesis secundaria que las prerrogativas teórico-metodológicas acerca del Estado determinaron y aún determinan proposiciones estratégicas específicas a los movimientos revolucionarios. Así, se comprende que la centralidad depositada en la fórmula de la “conquista del Estado” y/o “construcción de un Estado proletário” acabó por hacer palmar las iniciativas autónomas de los trabajadores, de manera que les tolera su potencial emancipatorio. De esta manera, este trabajo se estructura de forma a presentar las principales características constitutivas de los Consejos proletarios y del Estado, evidenciando las relaciones que se establecen entre estas esferas en el marco de una teoría de la transición y de las experiencias históricas.

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a trajetÃria de luta e organizaÃÃo dos trabalhadores da companhia inglesa Cearà Tramway, Light and Power Company, no perÃodo compreendido entre 1917 e 1932. Nosso estudo se propÃe averiguar os processos de mobilizaÃÃo e organizaÃÃo adotados por estes operÃrios, focalizando o conteÃdo especÃfico de suas demandas, as formas de negociaÃÃo com os patrÃes e as estratÃgias de luta postas em prÃtica. Ao mesmo tempo, analisaremos as opÃÃes polÃticas e ideolÃgicas abraÃadas em cada perÃodo grevista e como tais experiÃncias contribuÃam para a configuraÃÃo da cultura polÃtica dos trabalhadores. / This paper tries to analyze the fighting and organizational trajectory of the employees of the British company Ceara Tramway Light and Power Company, between the years 1917 and 1932. Our study intends to investigate the processes of mobilization and organization adopted by these workers, focusing on the specific contents of their demands, the negotiation practices with their bosses and the fighting strategies they used. At the same time we will analyze the political and ideological options embraced by the workers on the each strike period and how those experiences contributed to the configuration of the political culture of the workers.

Submitted by Miriam Lucas (miriam.lucas@unioeste.br) on 2017-09-01T17:23:11Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Sandra_Severo_Kasper_2017.pdf: 9517391 bytes, checksum: f1f561f5dffc998681ee3dd8e114f48d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-01T17:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Sandra_Severo_Kasper_2017.pdf: 9517391 bytes, checksum: f1f561f5dffc998681ee3dd8e114f48d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-09 / This máster thesis delimits the comparative study of the structures of formal organization of unions in education of the Brazil-Paraguay-Argentina border, with the general objective of verifying if there is evidence of internationalist articulation among unions of public education workers in this region. The cut of the comparative study occurred in the formal organizational structures of the National Union of Educators, National Union, Ciudad del Este-Alto Paraná-Paraguay Base Committee (hereinafter UNE-SN-CDE), APP- Union of workers in education (hereinafter referred to as APP-FI) and the Union of Teachers of the Province of Misiones (hereinafter UDPM-PI), the Trade Union Department of Puerto Iguazú-Misiones-Argentina. The central question of this study was: do the formal structures of these unions reveal evidence of internationalist initiatives among workers' unions in the education of the Foz do Iguaçu-Brazil, Ciudad del Este-Paraguay and Puerto Iguazú-Argentina frontiers? What are the similarities and differences in the formal organizational structures of these unions? The initial understanding is that these unions had in common the territorial proximity, given by the Brazil-Paraguay-Argentina border. We chose as method of research the Historical Dialectical Materialism, the general categories that guided the study were praxis, totality and contradiction. We analyze the categories of content: nationalism, proletarian internationalism, I, II, III and IV editions of the International Workers' Association (1st chapter), the Brazilian scientific production on proletarian internationalism, currently (2nd chapter). Through the methodological resources of interviewing and documentary analysis, we performed the comparative analysis of oral histories, formal organization structures and union documents UNE-SN-CDE, APP-FI and UDPM-PI evidencing the internationalist articulations found (3rd chapter). The results of the study show that there are few, occasional, individualized, discontinuous and sparse internationalist articulation initiatives, materialized in the form of meetings, meetings and participation in seminars and congresses. / Nesta dissertação de mestrado delimitamos o estudo na comparação das estruturas de organização formal de sindicatos em educação da fronteira Brasil-Paraguai-Argentina, com o objetivo geral de verificar se há indícios de articulação internacionalista dentre sindicatos dos trabalhadores da educação pública nesta região. O recorte do estudo comparado se deu nas estruturas de organização formal da Unión Nacional de Educadores, Sindicato Nacional, Comité de Base Ciudad del Este-Alto Paraná-Paraguai (doravante denominada UNE-SN-CDE), da APP-Sindicato dos trabalhadores em eduacação pública do Paraná-núcleo sindical de Foz do Iguaçu-Paraná-Brasil (doravante denominada APP-FI) e da Unión de docentes de la província de Misiones (doravante denominada U.D.P.M.-PI) Departamento Sindical de Puerto Iguazú-Misiones-Argentina. Os questionamentos centrais deste estudo foram: as estruturas formais desses sindicatos revelam indícios de iniciativas internacionalistas entre sindicatos de trabalhadores em educação da fronteira Foz do Iguaçu-Brasil, Ciudad del Este-Paraguai e Puerto Iguazú-Argentina? Quais as semelhanças e quais as diferenças nas estruturas organizativas formais desses sindicatos? A compreensão inicial é que estes sindicatos tinham em comum à proximidade territorial, dada pela fronteira Brasil-Paraguai-Argentina. Elegemos como método de pesquisa o Materialismo Histórico Dialético, as categorias gerais que nortearam o estudo foram a práxis, a totalidade e a contradição. Analisamos mediante uma revisão de literatura, as categorias de conteúdo: nacionalismo, internacionalismo proletário, as I, II, III e IV edições da Associação Internacional dos Trabalhadores (1º capítulo), a produção científica brasileira sobre internacionalismo proletário, na atualidade (2º capítulo). Através dos recursos metodológicos de entrevistas e análise documental, realizamos a análise comparativa: das histórias orais, das estruturas de organização formal e de documentos dos sindicatos UNE-SN-CDE, APP-FI e U.D.P.M.-PI evidenciando as articulações internacionalistas encontradas (3º capítulo). Os resultados do estudo demonstraram que existem poucas, eventuais, individualizadas, descontínuas e esparsas iniciativas de articulação internacionalista, materializadas na forma de reuniões, encontros e participação em seminários e congressos.

A proposta do presente trabalho consiste na tradução para o português do romance Kaniksen (O Navio-Fábrica Caranguejeiro, 1929) de Kobayashi Takij. Para chegar ao objetivo proposto, procedemos uma historização da vida e obra de Kobayashi Takiji, no sentido de compreendermos a trajetória literária do autor, seu envolvimento no movimento proletário e o contexto sócio-político em que o romance foi escrito. Visando introduzir O Navio-Fábrica Caranguejeiro ao leitor deste trabalho, são feitos alguns apontamentos sobre o romance: uma apresentação de seu tema e narrativa, um breve levantamento histórico de seu surgimento, suas repercussões no Japão e no mundo, e um levantamento e comentário crítico da obra. / The purpose of this work is the translation of the novel Kaniksen (The Crab Cannery Ship, 1929) by Kobayashi Takij into Portuguese. To reach the proposed objective, we made a historical research about the life and work of Kobayashi Takiji, to understand the literary trajectory of the author, his involvement in the proletarian movement and the socio-political context in which the novel was written. In order to introduce The Crab Cannery Ship the reader of this work, we are made some observations about the novel: a presentation of its theme and narrative, a brief historical research of its appearance, its impact on Japan and around the world, and a survey and critical commentary about the work.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é realizar uma leitura crítica pelo viés materialista dialético do romance Jubiabá (1935), de Jorge Amado, obra abarcada no projeto de romance proletário empreendido pelo autor na década de 1930. Este trabalho propõe-se a analisar elementos que contribuam para a compreensão da estrutura interna dessa obra, bem como para a compreensão de sua posição no conjunto das ambições literárias e políticas de Amado no período. Interessa-me investigar as relações entre a forma literária de Jubiabá e os processos sociais referidos na obra, sobretudo no que diz respeito aos ideais da esquerda em relação às alterações históricas da organização do trabalho no Brasil, procurando observar por quais caminhos esse dado material é mimetizado na estrutura interna do romance. Acerca dessa estrutura interna, enredo, configuração do protagonista e perfil do narrador serão os elementos privilegiados pela análise, tanto individualmente quanto nas relações entre si. O ponto de chegada deste trabalho encontra-se na interpretação voltada para a dinâmica que se estabelece entre a obra e a tradição formativa social brasileira em suas especificidades enquanto nação periférica ao processo capitalista mundial, em suas aproximações simbólicas e materiais, literárias e extraliterárias, em relação ao centro do mundo civilizado ocidental. / This work aims to perform a critical reading of Jorge Amado’s novel Jubiabá (1935), a work which is part of the project of the proletarian novel undertaken, by the author in the 1930s. We seek an analytical description of the elements that may contribute to the understanding of the internal structure of the work, as well as its position in Amado's literary and political ambitions in them. Thus, we are interested in investigating the relationship between the literary form of Jubiabá and the social processes which the work refers to, especially with regard to the left-wing ideas in relation to the historical changes in the organization of labor in Brazil, seeking to understand how the aesthetic aspect of the novel clarifies the author’s position. With the aesthetic aspect in mind, we paid particular attention to the construction of the plot, the composition of the leading character, and the narrator’s profile in relation to the whole of the work's structure, as well as in relation to one another. This paper concludes with an interpretation of the dynamics established between the work and the Brazilian social formative tradition in its specificities as a nation on the periphery of world capitalism, in its symbolic, material, literary, and extra-literary proximities to the center of the civilized Western world.

This study seeks to analyze each of Sillitoe's proletarian novels as a separate artistic endeavor, to study each in terms of its critical reception, plot, theme, characterization, setting, and style.