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Why is authoritarian propaganda often uninspiring, and how can states create captivating content that competes in the modern information landscape? This dissertation theorizes that dictators must strike a balance between controlling the creative process of cultural elites to promote a specific ideology and unleashing their creative potential. Overbearing ideological constraints can suppress creativity, thus necessitating powerful incentives to produce engaging propaganda. This research empirically focuses on the resurgence of propaganda films in Chinese cinemas from the mid- to late-2010s, particularly following the 2018 administrative reform when the Central Propaganda Department assumed control of the film industry. This serves as a case study demonstrating how an authoritarian state can make propaganda interesting. Utilizing novel film industry data and qualitative fieldwork, I uncover a state propaganda strategy that effectively shapes popular culture in China. I show that the Chinese government has successfully enlisted the cultural expertise of the private sector to craft entertaining and marketable propaganda through direct mandates and through shaping a market environment favorable to propaganda. Additionally, I conducted an online field experiment that demonstrates that such propagandist entertainment likely sways the majority of viewers' opinions toward the regime. However, it is worth noting that these propaganda movies may backfire among a small portion of the audience — approximately 20% of participants — who already harbor a distaste for propaganda before watching the movie. The production and reception of propagandist entertainment beyond the film industry and outside China are also discussed in this dissertation.

This paper investigates when propagandists criticize their country's war effort, examining instances where propagandists openly criticize the regimes they are expected to support during an armed conflict. This is a unique and relatively unexplored angle on propaganda, differing from widespread research on the range of effects that propaganda has on a target population, the reasons behind using propaganda on a target population, and the methods propagandists use to raise support for a political authority. Understanding when propagandists criticize their country's war effort can mitigate their influence by helping audiences identify when and how propagandists use criticism to their advantage. The paper hypothesizes that propagandists criticize their country's war effort when a military failure is too apparent to ignore or deny and that they acknowledge smaller failures more often as war goes on to maintain credibility. These hypotheses were tested by measuring TV propagandist's responses to several cases in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War. The results are that more apparent failures garnered increased amounts of criticism from propagandists, and that the passage of time didn't increase criticism of smaller failures unless they affected the Russian public.

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The fallout of digitalization: A study over the challenges facing modern journalism As the number of professional youtubers and bloggers are increasing and the world where one individual with a camera and access to the internet can make a living out of pure public interest, the number of sold newspapers is decreasing. The journalists of today have become obliged to reevaluate the core of their craftmanship and resort to unusual ways of publishing. The growing tendencies of fake news have contributed to a perception of media as a propaganda tool amongst the consumers. Having to compete with social media as well as other journalistic players might result in a slight change of publishing that makes the published material stray further from the ethics of journalism, and it puts the news media in a zone of conflict. While the journalistic ideal is jeopardized in the tough competition on the digital platform – it is that very ideal that distinguishes journalist from the competitors. The purpose of this study is to examine the reflections on the theme of digitalization by journalists on different web based news media in Sweden. I have interviewed four people on four separate news sites in an attempt to clarify how they approach the potential challenges a digital climate proposes to the journalistic profession, and how they view the future of the profession in an age where the lines between digital mediums are becoming more and more blurred.

News consumption is primarily done through online news media outlets and social media. There has been a recent rise in both fake news generation, and consumption. Fake news refers to articles that deliberately contain false information to influence readers. Substantial dissemination of misinformation has been recognized to influence election results. This work focuses on hyperpartisanship in web-searched articles which refers to web searched articles which have polarized views and which represent a sensationalized view of the content. There are many such news websites which cater to propagating biased news for political and/or financial gain. This work uses Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques on news articles to find out if a web-searched article can be termed as hyperpartisan or not. The methods were developed using a labeled dataset which was released as a part of the SemEval Task 4 - Hyperpartisan News Detection. The model was applied to queries related to U. S. midterm elections in 2018. We found that more than half the articles in web search queries showed hyperpartisanship attributes. / Master of Science / Over the recent years, the World Wide Web (WWW) has become a very important part of society. It has overgrown as a powerful medium not only to communicate with known contacts but also to gather, understand and propagate ideas with the whole world. However, in recent times there has been an increasing generation and consumption of misinformation and disinformation. These type of news, particularly fake and hyperpartisan news are particularly curated so as to hide the actual facts, and to present a biased, made-up view of the issue at hand. This activity can be harmful to the society as greater the spread and/or consumption of such news would be, more would be the negative decisions made by the readers. Thus, it poses a bigger threat to society as it affects the actions of people affected by the news. In this work, we look into a similar genre of misinformation that is hyperpartisan news. Hyperpartisan news follows a hyperpartisan orientation - the news exhibits biased opinions towards a entity (party, people, etc.) In this work, we explore to find how Natural Language Processing (NLP) methods could be used to automate the finding of hyperpartisanship in web searched articles, focusing on extraction of the linguistic features. We extend our work to test our findings in the web-searched articles related to midterm elections 2018.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy. Furthermore, some elements within even the Union Defence Force (UDF) displayed disloyal tendencies which threatened the morale of the armed forces. Thus, in response, the government waged a massive propaganda campaign during the war aimed at stimulating recruitment, at preserving national morale, at combating anti-war resistance and at minimising disruptions to the implementation of its war policy. To this end, the authorities exploited information avenues such as radio broadcasts, the press, films, mobile recruiting tours and military demonstrations for publicity and propaganda purposes. As propaganda delivery channels, radio, the press and films were potentially powerful. However, the strategy pursued by the authorities failed to maximise their full impact. The government also did not enjoy a media monopoly for the conduct of its war propaganda. The SABC continued operating independently and its airtime was not handed over to the authorities. Similarly, while the government relied on the support of sympathetic newspaper editors for its propaganda campaign, newspapers themselves sometimes ignored censorship regulations and published material which was unhelpful to the national war effort. Meanwhile, the opposition press also contested the propaganda terrain by waging anti-war campaigns. Films were the weakest link due to limited government control, production obstacles and an English language dominance which alienated the majority of white Afrikaans speakers. Another problem was persistent rivalry among various official and semiofficial propaganda agencies and a lack of clarity over a common propaganda policy. When it came to recruitment, government propaganda achieved particularly limited success. Despite patriotic appeals for volunteer enlistment, the shortage of manpower remained a persistent problem throughout the war. Alongside this, social and economic problems such as food and housing shortages also had a negative impact on public morale. The positive reach of propaganda efforts within the military, especially education, information and social welfare services, was also limited in that they were unable to dispel dissatisfaction resulting from poor service conditions, military policies, and the growing influence of war weariness. Towards the end of hostilities, there was a perceptible decline in troop discipline and morale. In general, therefore, the Union government’s overall war publicity and propaganda effort failed to produce a solid sense of national war cohesion or war unity. Although the country remained stable and was able to sustain war participation, it could not be said that South Africa’s leadership was able to persuade inhabitants – whether white or black - to participate in the Second World War as a war to be embraced as a people’s war. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918), die eerste “totale oorlog” in kontemporêre geskiedenis waartydens nie net militêre magte nie, maar hele gemeenskappe by die oorlogspoging betrek is, het die potensiaal van propaganda om die openbare mening met behulp van die massamedia te manipuleer, tuisgebring. Naas polities-diplomatiese, ekonomiese en militêre maneuvrering, moes regerings ook die gesindheid van die bevolking beïnvloed om hulle agter die oorlogspoging te skaar en twis en tweedrag te vermy. Gesindheidsbeïnvloeding was vir die Unieregering van kardinale belang gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-1945), aangesien Suid-Afrika onder diepgaande politieke verdeeldheid en interne spanning oor die oorlogskwessie gebuk gegaan het. Die Smuts-bewind het hewige politieke druk en militante weerstand ervaar van Afrikanernasionaliste wat teen die regering se oorlogsbeleid gekant was. Ontevrede elemente in die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het insgelyks dislojale neigings openbaar, wat die moraal van die gewapende magte ondermyn het. Die regering het gevolglik gedurende die oorlog ’n omvattende propagandaveldtog van stapel gestuur om weerstand teen sy oorlogspoging te beveg, ontwrigting in die implementering van die oorlogsbeleid tot ’n minimum te beperk, die werwing van soldate te bevorder en die nasionale moraal hoog te hou. Die Smuts-regering het ’n verskeidenheid van instrumente, waaronder radio-uitsendings, die gedrukte media, rolprente, mobiele werwingsveldtogte en miltêre demonstrasies, vir hul reklame- en propagandaveldtogte ingespan. Die regering se propagandastrategieë het egter nie dié kragtige instrumente optimaal uitgebuit om maksimum trefkrag te verseker nie. Daarby het die regering ook nie ’n monopolie oor alle mediaplatvorms vir geniet om hul propagandaveldtogte te bedryf nie. Die SAUK het onafhanklik gefunksioneer en min lugtyd aan die regering afgestaan om radio-uitsendings vir publisiteit en propagande te benut. Die regering het voorts sterk op koerantredakteurs gesteun om hul propagandaveldtog te bevorder, maar redakteurs het soms sensuurregulasies geïgnoreer en artikels geplaas wat regeringsbeleid ondermyn het. Die opposisiepers het uiteraard ook die regeringspropaganda met anti-oorlogpropaganda beveg. Rolprente was die swakste skakel in die regering se reklame- en propagandastelsels vanweë hul swak beheer daaroor, ’n gebrek aan tegniese vaardigheid, die hoë koste van rolprentproduksies, asook die oorheersing van die bedryf deur die Engelse taal, wat die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes die harnas ingejaag het. ’n Verdere probleem was die voortdurende wedywering tussen die verskillende amptelike en halfamptelike propaganda-agentskappe. Dit was veral die gebrek aan ’n duidelike propaganda-beleid wat tot oorvleueling en mededinging gelei het. Wat werwingspropaganda betref, het die regering beperkte sukses behaal. Naas ’n beroep op pligsbesef, eer en glorie, het die regering oor geen hefkrag beskik om werwing te bevorder nie. ’n Gebrek aan mannekrag het derhalwe die UVM dwarsdeur die oorlog gekortwiek in weerwil van die regering se omvattende reklame- en propagandaprogramme. Teen 1945 het slegs sowat 330 000 uit die Unie se bevolking van nagenoeg tien miljoen vir vrywillige krygsdiens aangemeld. Sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings soos ’n gebrek aan voedselvoorrade en behuising het ook negatief op die openbare en burgerlike moraal ingewerk. Interne propaganda in die UVM, veral deur middel van die opvoedings-, informasie- en welsynsdienste, het ook beperkte sukses behaal as gevolg van ontevredenheid met militêre beleid, swak diensvoorwaardes en oorlogsmoegheid. Dié ontevredenheid het moraal en dissipline ondermyn en teen die einde van die oorlog tot uitdagende gedrag en oproer onder die troepe gelei. Oor die algemeen genome, was die Unie-regering se totale reklame- en propagandapoging dus oneffektief. Alhoewel die hele die stelsel nie in duie gestort het nie en Unie se oorlogspoging sonder groot ontwrigting voortgegaan het, het oorlogsmoegheid, oneffektiewe beleide en die invloed van sosio-ekonomiese probleme uiteindelik tot openbare en militêre ontnugtering gelei.