In a country that has been characterized by its high level of violence and historically strong repression of social movements and mobilizations, people demonstrated peacefully during twenty weeks in Guatemala City 2015. The mobilizations started after the revelation of a corruption network described as The Line, which involved both the Guatemalan Government and the Guatemalan Superintendence of Tax Administration. Each Saturday from April – August, Guatemalans gathered at the main square in the Capital City, to protest against corruption and to demand the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti. After intensive demonstrations calling for the Vice-Presidents resignation, Baldetti resigned on May 8. The President resigned on September 2, four days before the general elections and both Baldetti and Pérez Molina were sentenced to prison because of their involvement in the corruption network. This essay aims to give answer to why people mobilized during several weeks and to create a greater understanding for why the mobilizations occurred. The Political Process Model has been used to analyze the character of the protests. This qualitative study is based on 16 semi-structured interviews conducted in Guatemala during the period of October – December 2015. A targeted selection and a snowball sampling method were used to identify persons to interview. The research showed that people identified the situation in Guatemala as a political crisis, which encouraged a broad participation in the protests. The traditional dynamic of challengers and members changed during the weeks of demonstrations. Since traditional polity members turned into challengers, the mobilizations had a high political leverage which made state led repression less likely. Therefore the demonstrations were interpreted as safe and consequently the participation increased. Traditional movements put their specific demands aside in order to be part of the collective demands against corruption. In other words, persons participated rather as individuals than as representatives from their movements.

An investigation of contentious action by associations representing six occupational groups at different socio-economic levels reveals that middle-class groups tend to favor contentious means of making demands such as demonstrations and strikes, while lower-class groups tend to avoid contentious action, preferring more institutionalized or contained means. While such findings might appear to be puzzling given middle-class groups’ superior access to state institutions and the Habermasian concept of a rational, orderly, bourgeois public sphere, they are consistent with the literature on resource mobilization and social movements in the West: Access to financial resources and strong mobilizing structures enables the middle-class groups to take advantage of a political opportunity structure that rewards contentious action. / text

Beginning in October 2015, student protests erupted at many U.S. colleges and universities. This wave of demonstrations prompted an ongoing national debate over the following question: what caused this activism? Leveraging existing theoretical explanations, this paper attempts to answer this question through an empirical study of the 73 most prominent college protests from October 2015 to April 2016. I use an original data set with information collected from U.S. News and World Report to determine what factors at these 73 schools were most predictive of the protests. My findings strongly suggest that the probability of a protest increases at larger, more selective institutions. I also find evidence against the dominant argument that the marginalization of minority students exclusively caused this activism. Using my empirical results, this paper presents a new theoretical explanation for the 2015-2016 protests. I argue that racial tensions sparked the first demonstration. However, as the protests spread to other campuses, they were driven less by racial grievances and more by a pervasive culture of political correctness. This paper concludes by applying this new theoretical framework to the budding wave of 2017 protests.

The wave of mass protests in the Middle East and North Africa highlighted the crucial role of information communication technologies in mobilization and political change. Debate among scholars revolved around the Internet’s potential for toppling authoritarian regimes. However, rather than seeing the Arab Spring as a direct result of social media, this study examines how the online and offline media strategies converged, interacted, or prevailed within the various socioeconomic and political contexts. It looks at the purposes and functions of each medium, with a discussion of the dialectical relationship between them. Drawing on interviews and fieldwork in Morocco, as well as a critical examination of the movement’s communications, this study contributes to the debate about the role of social media and the Arab Spring. It analyzes an Arab Spring movement that did not call for regime change, investigates relationships between the activists’ use of online and offline media, and examines the multiple forms of communication flows in meaning making and nation building within dominant and non-dominant Moroccan publics. Finally, the study explores how the February 20th movement’s communication approaches functioned within the historical, cultural, and sociopolitical context of Morocco in the present day. The findings show that the activists generally relied on the online social platforms to respond to state allegations against the movement, counter hegemonic practices of the state, and to mobilize followers both locally and internationally. While the online environment helped set the agenda for political discussion, it was also, unable, on its own, to mobilize the Moroccan people to the streets. Online platforms simply could not substitute for traditional offline communication, with the result that the activists had to utilize both online and offline communication channels. Dismissing the notion that a homogenous Moroccan communication strategy prevailed in the February 20th movement, the demographic and political contexts in specific cities played a major role in the choice of communication platforms or messages. The study found the activists relied on offline communication strategies, with a particular focus on aesthetic practices to mobilize the subaltern publics. Through implentation of various cultural and linguistic practices, the movement worked to reformulate the traditional concepts of nation and state, create a shared history of oppression and resistance, and envision a new era of participatory politics.

This study analyzes the development of the student protest movement at Loyola University New Orleans from1964 to 1971. It focuses on student protests against racial discrimination and the Vietnam War, student agitation for greater freedom on campus, and battles that Loyola's faculty had with the university administration. This study argues that Loyola's student protesters were acting as Catholics against situations they believed were immoral and unjust. In this sense, they were ahead of the Jesuit clergy at Loyola, who took action only after student protest on those issues. Indeed, student protest filled a void of moral leadership that the Jesuit administration at Loyola failed to provide. Moreover, in the areas of student participation in university governance, changes in curriculum and university restrictions, and student rights and freedoms, the student protesters joined with Catholic commentators who advocated for major changes at the country's Catholic universities.

This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / This study assesses agonism's practical possibilities for constructive, rather than destructive, outcomes arising from state-society strife, by drawing on the case of the Johannesburg city administration. / GR2017

A presente tese tem o intuito de apresentar o ciclo de confrontos em junho de 2013 sob uma ótica específica: a espacialidade dos protestos. Os objetivos são, portanto, dar conta de uma importante carência na teoria dos movimentos sociais que só lateralmente tem tratado a questão do espaço e sua influência no volume e caracterização dos eventos de protesto. Outro objetivo é mais restrito e limitado. Os confrontos em junho de 2013 tomaram de assalto as ruas das cidades brasileiras e invadiram todos os espaços físicos possíveis no intuito de celebrar a revolta do poder popular contra tudo isso que estava aí. Parte das análises adotou o espaço como fator decisivo na formação de eixos de motivação para os manifestantes. O direito à cidade apareceu como ponto motivador para os atores coletivos presentes no ciclo de junho. A tese não rejeita essa hipótese, mas acredita que ela deva ser qualificada. Isso porque o espaço físico é formado segundo os mais variados padrões urbanos no Brasil. Existem diversos brasis urbanos. E, dentro dessa diversidade, é fundamental olhar para o trivial da cena do protesto. Isto é, todo protesto é realizado em um lugar. Lugar, com traços e características específicas. No espaço físico onde se encontram manifestantes vestidos com os mais diversos matizes verde-amarelos, vermelhos e o punk anarquista também interagem cidadãos comuns, jornalistas, policiais e autoridades políticas. Isto é, se a espacialidade do protesto importa para além da formação das carências urbanas, de que modo esses espaços influenciam os ativistas nas tomadas de decisão? Quais mecanismos favorecem ou impedem a mobilização em determinados espaços físicos dentro das cidades? A hipótese da tese é de que é possível identificar cenários políticos definidos por práticas socioespaciais que conectam os atores políticos. Fez-se uso tanto de material da imprensa da época, dando um tratamento qualitativo, como também de abordagens metodológicas quantitativas, a fim de traçar o processo de difusão do ciclo de confrontos e sua relação com os espaços, a Análise de Eventos de Protesto (AEP) foi mobilizada. Entre os achados está a identificação de dois cenários definidos de protesto. Até 2013, a cidade de São Paulo era marcada pela existência de dois tipos de cenários de mobilização e protesto: cenários de negociação (com a presença de sindicatos, socialistas outros atores na região central) e cenários de confronto e pressão (tanto autonomistas quanto socialistas fazendo uso do vetor sudoeste da cidade). Esses cenários foram fundamentais na criação de laços e alianças e, portanto, fundamentais para a evolução do ciclo de junho de 2013. Ao contrário de determinadas narrativas, os espaços ativados em junho não podem ser caracterizados como novos. Os protestos recuperaram as ocupações em cenários estabelecidos de protesto. / The present thesis aims to present the cycle of confrontations in June 2013 under a specific perspective: the spatiality of the protests. The objectives are therefore to account for an important lack in the theory of social movements that only laterally has dealt with the issue of space and its influence on the volume and characterization of protest events. Another goal is more restricted and limited. The clashes in June 2013 took over Brazilian cities and invaded all possible physical spaces in order to celebrate the revolt of popular power against all that was there. Part of the analysis adopted space as a decisive factor in the formation of motivation axes for demonstrators. The right to the city appeared as a motivating point for the collective actors present in the June cycle. The thesis does not reject this hypothesis but believes that it should be qualified. This is because; the physical space is varied according to the most varied urban patterns in Brazil. There are several urban Brasils. And within this diversity, it is fundamental to look at the trivial of the protest scene. That is, every protest is held in one place. Place, with specific features and characteristics. The physical space in which demonstrators dressed in the most varied shades - yellow-green, red and anarchist punk - are also interacting with ordinary citizens, journalists, adherents, police officers and political authorities. That is, if the spatiality of protest matters in addition to the formation of urban needs, how do these spaces influence activists in their decision-making? What mechanisms favor or prevent mobilization in certain physical spaces within cities? The hypothesis of the thesis is possible to identify political scenarios defined by socio-spatial practices that connect political actors. The thesis made use of both press material of the time, giving a qualitative treatment, as well as using quantitative methodological approaches. In order to trace the process of diffusion of the confrontation cycle and its relation to space, Protest Event Analysis (AEP) was mobilized. Among the findings is the identification of two defined protest scenarios. Until 2013, the city of São Paulo was marked by the existence of two types of mobilization and protest scenarios: negotiation scenarios (with the presence of unions, socialists and other actors in the central region) and scenarios of confrontation and pressure (both autonomist and socialist making use of the southwestern vector of the city). These scenarios were fundamental in the creation of bonds and alliances and therefore fundamental to the evolution of the cycle of June 2013. Unlike certain narratives, the spaces activated in June cannot be characterized as new. The protests recovered occupations in established protest scenarios.

A presente tese tem o intuito de apresentar o ciclo de confrontos em junho de 2013 sob uma ótica específica: a espacialidade dos protestos. Os objetivos são, portanto, dar conta de uma importante carência na teoria dos movimentos sociais que só lateralmente tem tratado a questão do espaço e sua influência no volume e caracterização dos eventos de protesto. Outro objetivo é mais restrito e limitado. Os confrontos em junho de 2013 tomaram de assalto as ruas das cidades brasileiras e invadiram todos os espaços físicos possíveis no intuito de celebrar a revolta do poder popular contra tudo isso que estava aí. Parte das análises adotou o espaço como fator decisivo na formação de eixos de motivação para os manifestantes. O direito à cidade apareceu como ponto motivador para os atores coletivos presentes no ciclo de junho. A tese não rejeita essa hipótese, mas acredita que ela deva ser qualificada. Isso porque o espaço físico é formado segundo os mais variados padrões urbanos no Brasil. Existem diversos brasis urbanos. E, dentro dessa diversidade, é fundamental olhar para o trivial da cena do protesto. Isto é, todo protesto é realizado em um lugar. Lugar, com traços e características específicas. No espaço físico onde se encontram manifestantes vestidos com os mais diversos matizes verde-amarelos, vermelhos e o punk anarquista também interagem cidadãos comuns, jornalistas, policiais e autoridades políticas. Isto é, se a espacialidade do protesto importa para além da formação das carências urbanas, de que modo esses espaços influenciam os ativistas nas tomadas de decisão? Quais mecanismos favorecem ou impedem a mobilização em determinados espaços físicos dentro das cidades? A hipótese da tese é de que é possível identificar cenários políticos definidos por práticas socioespaciais que conectam os atores políticos. Fez-se uso tanto de material da imprensa da época, dando um tratamento qualitativo, como também de abordagens metodológicas quantitativas, a fim de traçar o processo de difusão do ciclo de confrontos e sua relação com os espaços, a Análise de Eventos de Protesto (AEP) foi mobilizada. Entre os achados está a identificação de dois cenários definidos de protesto. Até 2013, a cidade de São Paulo era marcada pela existência de dois tipos de cenários de mobilização e protesto: cenários de negociação (com a presença de sindicatos, socialistas outros atores na região central) e cenários de confronto e pressão (tanto autonomistas quanto socialistas fazendo uso do vetor sudoeste da cidade). Esses cenários foram fundamentais na criação de laços e alianças e, portanto, fundamentais para a evolução do ciclo de junho de 2013. Ao contrário de determinadas narrativas, os espaços ativados em junho não podem ser caracterizados como novos. Os protestos recuperaram as ocupações em cenários estabelecidos de protesto. / The present thesis aims to present the cycle of confrontations in June 2013 under a specific perspective: the spatiality of the protests. The objectives are therefore to account for an important lack in the theory of social movements that only laterally has dealt with the issue of space and its influence on the volume and characterization of protest events. Another goal is more restricted and limited. The clashes in June 2013 took over Brazilian cities and invaded all possible physical spaces in order to celebrate the revolt of popular power against all that was there. Part of the analysis adopted space as a decisive factor in the formation of motivation axes for demonstrators. The right to the city appeared as a motivating point for the collective actors present in the June cycle. The thesis does not reject this hypothesis but believes that it should be qualified. This is because; the physical space is varied according to the most varied urban patterns in Brazil. There are several urban Brasils. And within this diversity, it is fundamental to look at the trivial of the protest scene. That is, every protest is held in one place. Place, with specific features and characteristics. The physical space in which demonstrators dressed in the most varied shades - yellow-green, red and anarchist punk - are also interacting with ordinary citizens, journalists, adherents, police officers and political authorities. That is, if the spatiality of protest matters in addition to the formation of urban needs, how do these spaces influence activists in their decision-making? What mechanisms favor or prevent mobilization in certain physical spaces within cities? The hypothesis of the thesis is possible to identify political scenarios defined by socio-spatial practices that connect political actors. The thesis made use of both press material of the time, giving a qualitative treatment, as well as using quantitative methodological approaches. In order to trace the process of diffusion of the confrontation cycle and its relation to space, Protest Event Analysis (AEP) was mobilized. Among the findings is the identification of two defined protest scenarios. Until 2013, the city of São Paulo was marked by the existence of two types of mobilization and protest scenarios: negotiation scenarios (with the presence of unions, socialists and other actors in the central region) and scenarios of confrontation and pressure (both autonomist and socialist making use of the southwestern vector of the city). These scenarios were fundamental in the creation of bonds and alliances and therefore fundamental to the evolution of the cycle of June 2013. Unlike certain narratives, the spaces activated in June cannot be characterized as new. The protests recovered occupations in established protest scenarios.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-05T16:01:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Perrotti.pdf: 2122978 bytes, checksum: 5d9e7107218e9d0c3e56e735af5dedaa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T16:01:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Perrotti.pdf: 2122978 bytes, checksum: 5d9e7107218e9d0c3e56e735af5dedaa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-06 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnologia / This research analyses the discoursive interactions as well as the narrative paths of the Brazilian protests of June 2013 inside two documentaries. We start from the analysis of the constitutive elements in the expression plan, homologated in the contents plan, and investigates the construction of simulacrums of the mediatic addressers in the time of the protests. The corpus analyzed is composed of two movies, the first one being an independent production and the second one an institutional production: Com Vandalismo and Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil. The enunciates contextualized sometimes on the streets sometimes by the narrators in debate, points out that the interrelations between the subjects Public Power, Society and Media, have built conflicting narrative programs. Similarly there is the presence of distinct objects of that value that, in most cases, as we see, did not have their possession achieved by the subjects protesters. Also from the figurativization we identify conflicts of interest between actors. We note that the construction of the actantial and thematic roles of social subjects of the protests operated by media addressers articulated changes in the discursive direction along the narrative path of the protests. In Com Vandalismo we have the subject (pacific-protester) and anti-subject (vandal-protester) competing for visibility on the streets, having been modalized by the breach of contract with the government and the provocative manipulation procedure of traditional media. These interactions lead us to believe that the relations between subjects in the protests present a population that lacks adequate political education to cope with their governments when they fail to comply with the democratic contract. In Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil we have different strategies of manipulation that the traditional media had used during the period of the protests. The addresser Folha de S. Paulo uses the fiduciary already consolidated with their public to make-believe that all modalization performed by the mainstream media in the period converged with the "public opinion”. However, we observed that all modalizations performed by this addresser operated more in the order of veridiction about his own speech than in giving a political knowledge to the adressees; thus mobilizing many non-politicized subject to the protests, and generating dissemination of guidelines that resulted in transformations in the popular protests. We conducted this research in light of semiotics of Algirdas-Julien Greimas, sociossemiotics of Eric Landowski, in addition to studies of José Luiz Fiorin, Ana Claudia de Oliveira on significance and media interactions, and yet the film theorist Bill Nichols to treat the documentaries. The importance of this work rests on the fact that the journeys of June 2013 had been a landmark of political insurgencies in Brazil. We identify in the protests and discussions in the movies interactions that can base further research to understand other sociopolitical events that followed from that landmark, since it was found the great manipulative potential of the media, which makes people do things, even the not cognitively competencialized ones / Esta pesquisa analisa as interações discursivas bem como os percursos narrativos dos protestos de junho de 2013 em dois documentários. Parte da análise dos elementos constitutivos no plano da expressão, homologados no plano do conteúdo, e investiga a construção de simulacros dos destinadores midiáticos no período dos protestos. O corpus analisado é composto de dois filmes, o primeiro de produção independente e o segundo de produção institucional: Com Vandalismo e Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil. Os enunciados contextualizados ora nas ruas ora pelos narradores em debate, apontam que as inter-relações entre os sujeitos Poder Público, Sociedade e Mídias, constituíram programas narrativos conflitantes. Da mesma forma há a presença de distintos objetos de valor que, em sua maioria, como constatamos, não tiveram sua posse alcançada pelos sujeitos manifestantes. Também a partir da figurativização identificamos conflitos de interesses entre atores. Observamos que a construção dos papéis actanciais e temáticos dos sujeitos sociais dos protestos operada pelos destinadores midiáticos articulou mudanças de direcionamento discursivo ao longo do percurso narrativo dos protestos. Em Com Vandalismo temos sujeito (manifestante-pacífico) e antissujeito (manifestante-vândalo) que disputam visibilidade nas ruas, tendo sido modalizados pela quebra contratual do Poder Público e pelo procedimento de manipulação provocativa das mídias tradicionais. Essas interações nos levam a crer que as relações entre sujeitos nos protestos apresentam uma população que carece de formação política adequada para fazer frente aos seus governantes quando estes descumprirem o contrato democrático. Em Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil temos diferentes estratégias de manipulação que as mídias tradicionais se utilizaram no período. O destinador Folha de S. Paulo faz uso da fidúcia já consolidada com o público para fazer-crer que toda modalização executada pelas mídias tradicionais no período convergia com a “opinião pública”. Todavia, observamos que as modalizações executadas por esse destinador operaram mais na ordem da veridicção sobre seu próprio discurso do que na doação de um saber político para os destinatários, mobilizando assim muitos sujeitos não-politizados para os protestos, e gerando difusão de pautas que resultaram em transformações nas manifestações populares. Conduzimos essa investigação à luz da semiótica de Algirdas-Julien Greimas, da sociossemiótica de Eric Landowski, além dos estudos de José Luiz Fiorin, de Ana Claudia de Oliveira sobre significação e interações midiáticas, e ainda do teórico de cinema Bill Nichols para tratar os documentários. A importância desse trabalho repousa sobre o fato das jornadas de junho de 2013 terem sido um marco histórico dos movimentos políticos insurgentes no país. Identificamos nos protestos e discussões interações discursivas que podem embasar pesquisas posteriores para compreender outros eventos sociopolíticos que se seguiram a partir desse marco, uma vez que foi constatado o grande potencial manipulativo das mídias, que faz-fazer mesmo sujeitos não competencializados cognitivamente em determinado tema

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-21T11:30:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe de Queiroz Braga.pdf: 2469727 bytes, checksum: 013852082dc508efe89ea8ff6b02ea18 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-21T11:30:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe de Queiroz Braga.pdf: 2469727 bytes, checksum: 013852082dc508efe89ea8ff6b02ea18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis aims to analyze the events that occurred during the month of June 2013 in Brazil after the adjustment of the fares for public transportation in several cities. The analysis will be concentrated in the city of São Paulo, epicenter of the movement, seeking to understand how and why a subject that historically raises protests and demonstrations, the readjustment of the fare of public transport, in this particular context has managed to generate mobilizations in hundreds of cities around the country. We also seek to interpret the causes that led various social groups to the streets broadening the scope of claims and ultimately turning it into a movement both social and ideologically different from the start. Considering that this phenomenon involves issues that go beyond the guidelines related to public transportation - although they are central to understanding the movement - as its consequences are linked to the historical contradictions arising out of a underdeveloped and dependent capitalist economy, we search to interpret it from a socio-historical perspective, emphasizing our conditions of sociability. In this way, we can understand the social, economic and political ambiguities and contradictions that shape a contemporary Brazil and that became more evident as from the rending of the veil that took place in June 2013 / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as manifestações que ocorreram durante o mês de junho de 2013 no Brasil, após o reajuste das tarifas de transporte público em diversas cidades. A análise terá como recorte espacial a cidade São Paulo, epicentro do movimento, buscando compreender como e por que uma pauta que, historicamente, suscita protestos, o reajuste do preço do transporte público, neste determinado contexto conseguiu gerar mobilizações em centenas de cidades do país. Buscaremos também interpretar as causas que conduziram diversos grupos sociais às ruas, ampliando o leque de reivindicações e tornando, em última instância, um movimento social e ideologicamente diferente do iniciado. Considerando-se que esse fenômeno abarca questões que transcendem as pautas relacionadas ao transporte público – apesar de serem centrais ao entendimento do movimento –, à medida que seus desdobramentos remetem às contradições históricas decorrentes de uma economia capitalista subdesenvolvida e dependente, buscaremos interpretá-lo a partir da perspectiva sócio-histórica, ressaltado nossas raízes de sociabilidade. Desse modo, poderemos compreender as ambiguidades e contradições sociais, econômicas e políticas que dão forma ao Brasil contemporâneo e que se tornaram mais evidentes a partir do rasgar do véu que se deu em junho de 2013