D.L. A 456-2007

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a ascensão de políticos mineiros e paulistas no âmbito da construção do Estado nacional brasileiro entre 1823 e 1834, atentando para dois movimentos simultâneos e interligados. O primeiro diz respeito à criação de esferas de poder em nível provincial em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, em que será privilegiada a atuação dos conselhos provinciais o Conselho da Presidência e o Conselho Geral , sua relação com o Legislativo e Executivo, e seu engajamento na viabilização de um Império sediado Rio de Janeiro. Trata-se de examinar de que maneira a composição dos poderes provinciais inscreveu-se no processo de afirmação de uma monarquia constitucional representativa em meio a outras propostas vigentes de organização do Estado à época. O segundo movimento refere-se à projeção de paulistas e mineiros no cenário político da Corte, seja no Legislativo, a partir de 1826, seja no Executivo, mormente após a Abdicação. Pretende-se, assim, discutir possíveis matizes do chamado projeto liberal moderado, o qual obteve grande respaldo em São Paulo, Minas Gerais e na Corte no período estudado, partindo-se da hipótese de que a atuação de políticos paulistas e mineiros, notadamente no encaminhamento da reforma constitucional que se consubstanciou no Ato Adicional, em 1834, foi permeada por interesses de grupos locais e influenciada pelo debate político ocorrido em nível provincial / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the rise of Minas Gerais and São Paulo politicians in the development of the Brazilian State between 1823 and 1834, considering two simultaneous and interrelated motions. The first concerns the field of power creation at the provincial level in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, in which will be prioritize the performance of provincial councils - the Conselho da Presidência and the Conselho Geral -, their relation to the legislative and executive branches, and their alliance in achieving a Empire entrenched at Rio de Janeiro. The goal is to examine how the organization of provincial powers managed to build the acceptance of constitutional monarchy amid other current proposals for the State organization at the time. The second movement refers to the projection of São Paulo and Minas Gerais in the political background of the Court, both in legislature issues, from 1826, and executives, especially after the Abdicação in 1831. It is intended, therefore, to discuss some peculiarities about the so-called \"Liberal Moderado, which got great sheltering in São Paulo, Minas Gerais and in the Court during the studied period, starting from the hypothesis that the role of São Paulo and Minas Gerais politicians, mainly during the constitutional reform which led to the Additional Act, in 1834, was permeated by concerns of local groups and influenced by political debate occurred at the provincial level

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar a ascensão de políticos mineiros e paulistas no âmbito da construção do Estado nacional brasileiro entre 1823 e 1834, atentando para dois movimentos simultâneos e interligados. O primeiro diz respeito à criação de esferas de poder em nível provincial em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, em que será privilegiada a atuação dos conselhos provinciais o Conselho da Presidência e o Conselho Geral , sua relação com o Legislativo e Executivo, e seu engajamento na viabilização de um Império sediado Rio de Janeiro. Trata-se de examinar de que maneira a composição dos poderes provinciais inscreveu-se no processo de afirmação de uma monarquia constitucional representativa em meio a outras propostas vigentes de organização do Estado à época. O segundo movimento refere-se à projeção de paulistas e mineiros no cenário político da Corte, seja no Legislativo, a partir de 1826, seja no Executivo, mormente após a Abdicação. Pretende-se, assim, discutir possíveis matizes do chamado projeto liberal moderado, o qual obteve grande respaldo em São Paulo, Minas Gerais e na Corte no período estudado, partindo-se da hipótese de que a atuação de políticos paulistas e mineiros, notadamente no encaminhamento da reforma constitucional que se consubstanciou no Ato Adicional, em 1834, foi permeada por interesses de grupos locais e influenciada pelo debate político ocorrido em nível provincial / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the rise of Minas Gerais and São Paulo politicians in the development of the Brazilian State between 1823 and 1834, considering two simultaneous and interrelated motions. The first concerns the field of power creation at the provincial level in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, in which will be prioritize the performance of provincial councils - the Conselho da Presidência and the Conselho Geral -, their relation to the legislative and executive branches, and their alliance in achieving a Empire entrenched at Rio de Janeiro. The goal is to examine how the organization of provincial powers managed to build the acceptance of constitutional monarchy amid other current proposals for the State organization at the time. The second movement refers to the projection of São Paulo and Minas Gerais in the political background of the Court, both in legislature issues, from 1826, and executives, especially after the Abdicação in 1831. It is intended, therefore, to discuss some peculiarities about the so-called \"Liberal Moderado, which got great sheltering in São Paulo, Minas Gerais and in the Court during the studied period, starting from the hypothesis that the role of São Paulo and Minas Gerais politicians, mainly during the constitutional reform which led to the Additional Act, in 1834, was permeated by concerns of local groups and influenced by political debate occurred at the provincial level

Instrumento de pesquisa que rastreia e sistematiza as referências feitas aos arquivos nos relatórios dos presidentes das Províncias, entre 1835 e 1889, de modo a oferecer subsídios para a reconstituição histórica das instituições arquivísticas públicas brasileiras. / Finding aid which collects and organizes all references about archives in the reports of the provincial presidents, between 1835 and 1889, in order to facilitate the historical reconstitution of brazilian archival institutions.

Thesis (LLM. (Development and Management Law)) -- University of Limpopo, 2017 / This mini-dissertation looks into the relationship between the different spheres or organs of the state, which is elaborately provided for in Chapter 3 of the Constitution. In particular, this mini-dissertation scrutinizes the propriety of the relationship between provincial and local government, using case law to analyze and examine conflicts within the organs of government. The critical question that is posed is whether the mechanisms provided for in the Constitution and legislation are working appropriately to foster cooperation between the spheres of government or whether they are inadequate to address these challenges. An argument that this mini-dissertation raises is that, in spite of the laws that have been put in place to resolve conflict within the state organs, the mechanisms provided for are inadequate and need to be strengthened if there is going to be proper and better cooperation between the spheres of government. The gap is more glaring in cases involving intervention by provincial governments into the functional terrain of local government. It has been observed that there is lack of willpower from the different role players to ensure the improvement of intergovernmental relations and cooperation as espoused by the Constitution. A comparative analysis was done, hence the mini-dissertation utilises the jurisprudence of the United Kingdom and Canada and draws useful lessons for South Africa. This paper therefore concludes that there is a need for legislative reform that will compel organs of government to avoid costly litigation against one another. It is recommended, also, that there should be effective inter-sphere communication so as to make plain the expectations of one sphere over another.

民國八十五年國家發展會議做成「精簡省府組織」之決議，並於民國八十六年修憲通過，自八十七年起停止省長及省議員選舉，省成為--監督各縣市自治事項之監督機關，使得各縣市政府自治地位提高，使得各縣市政府自治地位提高，為使縣市政府能適當的發揮功能，必須有適當的財政制度來解決縣市政府「垂直」及「水平」的財政不均。 為解決個政府間財政的不均，我國所運用的調整工具有補助款、共分稅與統籌分配稅等制度。補助款制度為上級政府的權衡策略，長扮演著“救急”或上級政府影響下級政府政策之工具；共分稅可用來解決不同層級政府間垂直的財政不均衡，在中央與台北市、高雄市及台灣省政府間更可透過不同的共分比例，發揮調整水平財政不均的功能。面對台灣省二十一縣市患寡又患不均的財政問題，由於共分稅不易對個別縣市設定不同的共分比例，因此一致的共分比例將造成「富者愈富，貧者愈貧」的現象，再者，共分稅運用的擴大亦將削弱中央政府進行財政調整之能力；統籌分配制度則是將地方政府的財源透過--適當機制，依照地方政府的財政狀況予以分配，具有調劑各地方財政不均之功能。 本文的目的乃在研究「精簡省府組織」後，原來的台灣省統籌分配稅制度應如何設計，以達到調劑各縣市財政盈虛之目的。本文以八十五年度政府決算數資料將省府財政適當合理的重劃並調整精省後各縣市的財政收支，在此基礎下，研擬可行的分配公式，使統籌分配的過程得以透明公開。本文之研究結論及其建議如下： 1.台灣省各縣市財政之歲入結構以非自有財源的補助收入為主，自有財源比例在各縣市間又有甚大差異，顯示各縣市間有患寡又患不均現象。亟需以統籌分配稅來提高地方自主財源並促進各地方財政均衡之必要。 2.目前的省統籌分配稅由於被賦予過多的財政目標，而使其最重要的保障財源與均衡縣市財政之功能未能發揮，且容易令人與補助制度發生混淆。 3.目前省統籌分配稅之預算編列與分配公式並未法制化，行政首長對於省統籌款有大部分的掌控權，難以提高地方自主財源之功效。 4.統籌分配稅之名稱有限制財源必須來自於「稅」之意，且「統籌」就字面意義容易令人誤解，被視為上級政府有任意運用統籌款之權，故建議精簡省府組織後，以「平衡台灣省各縣市預算基金」代替「台灣省統籌分配稅」之名稱，或以「平衡預算基金」代替「統籌分配稅」之用語。 5.平衡預算基金的財源宜擴大，可考慮的財源有土地增值稅、營業稅、印花稅、地價稅、房屋稅、所得稅、貨物稅、證卷交易稅、中央的獨占及專賣收入等。在本研究的五種平衡預算基金財源方案中，發現基金的財源愈多，或將稅源分佈不均的稅目納入此基金的比例愈高，所得到的財政均衡效果愈佳。但觀察其等級相關係數(rs)測度之平衡預算基金分配前、後各縣市財政狀況的排序，發現基金的財源愈多，排序變異的情況愈嚴重，是以平衡預算基金並非愈多愈好，而應在財政均衡與排序倒置的效果中做--權衡。 6.平衡預算基金的分配公式應考量各縣市的財政狀況，以「相對」的概念計算各地方所得到的分配權數，應納入均等化的指標可包括「財政能力」、「財政需求」與「財政努力」等項。 7.本研究建議的分配公式有下列四式： 公式一 a1 每人平均稅課收入之財政能力指標 +a2 學生數指標 +a3 都市人口指標 +a4 社會福利指標 公式二 b1 每人平均稅課收入之財政能力指標 +b2 學生數指標 +b3 都市人口指標 +b4 農地面積指標 +b5 工廠附加價值指標 +b6 社會福利指標 公式三 c1 每人平均稅課收入之財政能力指標 +c2 學生數指標 +c3 都市人口指標 +c4 社會福利指標 +c5 非租稅努力指標 公式四 d1 每人平均稅課收入之財政能力指標 +d2 學生數指標 +d3 都市人口指標 +d4 農地面積指標 +d5 工廠附加價值指標 +d6 社會福利指標 +d7 非租稅努力指標 a1~a4，b1~b6，c1~c5，d1~d7 為分配因子之權數，權數設定為：財政能力以「稅課收入不足數占歲出的比例」為其權數，即縣市稅課收入加上平衡縣市預算基金數後仍不足縣市歲出的比例；非租稅努力為稅課外自有財源占歲出的比例，其餘部分為財政需求比例。第一及第二公式未考慮非租稅努力指標，其權數以財政能力與財政需求的相對比例修正；而個別財政需求因子之權數，以其支出相對比重再乘上財政需求之權數而得。由於不同的方案，稅課收入與平衡預算基金數額不同，故其權數的設定亦有差異。 本研究的四種分配公式在不同的平衡預算基金方案中皆能降低各縣市間財政差異。在調整省縣稅源重劃方案中，發現將地價稅及房屋稅納入平衡預算基金的比例愈高，有助於縣市財政的均等化，且以公式一或公式二分配對縣市間排序倒置的現象影響不大，惟此方案是否對鄉（鎮、市）的財政造成影響，仍須加以評估。在加入中央稅源的調整方案中，公式化的分配仍可降低縣市間的財政差距，惟政策目標不同應選擇不同的公式以求得適當的分配效果，若公式分配的目標在於縣市間財政平衡效果，則可以公式二或公式四分配；若分配公式的目標首重分配前後縣市間財政狀況排序的相關性，則應以公式一或公式二分配為佳。

<p>Organisations are by nature, dynamic entities that continuously undergo transformation in response to both internal and external pressures, which are imposed on them (Robbins, Odendaal &amp / Roodt, 2003). Government departments are by no means immune to these changes, which pose challenges that affect their service delivery. During periods of fundamental transformation, individuals typically experience changes in their levels of organisational commitment, which impacts on effective and efficient service delivery. Organisational commitment as an area of research is one of the factors that could lead to greater morale, strong organisational climate, motivation and productivity in many organisations facing transformation (Salami, 2008). The aim of this study was to investigate the level of organisational commitment after a transformation process at a Provincial Government Department. Recent organisational transformations (both in the private and public sector) have included the redrawing of divisional boundaries, flattening of hierarchic levels, spreading of spans of control, revising compensation, streamlining processes and reforming governance (Ndlovu &amp / Brijball Parusumar, 2005). The results of the research indicate that employees are moderately committed to the organisation. Statistically significant relationships were found between the dimensions of organisational commitment, except for affective commitment and total commitment which were not significant.&nbsp / Furthermore, results indicate that statistically significant differences exist based on the biographical characteristics (namely, gender, race, tenure, marital status, age and job level) but these characteristics do not significantly explain the variance in organisational commitment for this organisation. A limitation of the research is that the sampling composition and research design preclude the results of this study being generalised to other organisations and it is recommended that a stratified random sampling design be utilised for future research.</p>

.The research attempts to probe into the victory factors of the basic level public position election of 1994 to 2005 from the specific case upon Gao-Shu Township, Ping-Tung County . Briefly, the research purpose of this paper is to discuss the relations among the six-factors of election victory, such as the superiority of the candidate and the incumbent, the election strategy, personal performance, the structure of people from different provincial origins, the Party and the civic organizations, local factions. And further it probes into the interactive relation between the six-factors and the electors, and the relation between the final actual voting-decision for the candidate whom the electors support. From the research result, it discovers that personal performance and image of the candidate account for the important part of the election victory factors.

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This paper examines the changing nature of provincial constitutions in Canada. Provinces are granted the right to have their own constitutions by Sections 58-90 of the Constitution Act, 1867, and various sections of the Constitution Act, 1982. The substance of provincial constitutions includes various Acts of provincial parliaments, long-standing constitutional conventions, unwritten rules and principles and common law. With respect to the practice of responsible government, the provinces have long relied on the traditionally “flexible” nature of their largely unwritten constitutions. Using the case studies of statutes dealing with the executive and legislative branches of government in the provinces of British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador, this paper analyzes recent changes in the statutes (and therefore constitutions) of the provinces. The analysis shows that there have been many changes in provincial constitutions on the subject of responsible government. The constitutions increasingly recognize the role of the Premier and cabinets, to the detriment of the traditional roles of Lieutenant Governors and the legislatures. This is in line with general trends in Canada’s provinces toward increased executive dominance. The practice of codifying changes in provincial constitutions is also more in line with how constitutional change happens in the states of comparable federations such as Australia and the United States.