Magister Curationis / The aim of the study was to explore the reasons why health workers reported their occupationally acquired needle stick injury. The secondary reasons for this study was to be able to identify the factors that contributed to the choice to report as well as the feelings health workers experienced during and after the injury. Methodology A qualitative research design with a phenomenological approach was used to gain understanding around why health workers reported the needle stick injury. Data was collected through a semi- structured interview. Population The 89 health workers at a Secondary Hospital in the Cape Town Metropole Health district who reported an occupational injury from 2001 to 2004. Sample Nine health workers were interviewed. Findings From the nine participants only six had needle stick injuries, while the other three had other blood and body fluid occupational exposures. The most common reason for reporting was that the health workers wanted to ensure their own physical well-being. Health workers and their families experienced emotional turmoil after the needle stick injury. / South Africa

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

Uppsatsens syfte var att kritiskt granska olika filosofiska utgångspunkter kring skäl för agerande samt hur skälen rättfärdigas utifrån värden och det goda. Hur trovärdiga och rimliga är argumenten som förs fram om skäl och dess relationen till värden och det goda?Följande filosofers teorier har granskats: Thomas Nagel, Christine Korsgaard samt R Jay Wallace. Jag argumenterar för att skäl för agerande bör vara baserade på goda grunder samt att skäl och värden bör betraktas vara subjektiva och agent-relativa. Nagel är den ende som hävdar att oreducerbara agent-relativa skäl finns, något som bestrids av både Wallace och Korsgaard. Dock menar jag att de båda uttrycker en viss agent-relativitet i sina argument, Korsgaard i ambitioner och Wallace i speciella fall. Samtliga tre bidrar på olika sätt med väsentliga argument om att skäl har ett moraliskt anspråk på agenten oavsett vilken typ av skäl de förespråkar. Dock kan värden omöjligt accepteras eller te sig trovärdiga utifrån Nagels argument om att värden är objektiva och uppstår utan mänsklig involvering. Korsgaard har en viktig poäng och lyckas på ett trovärdigt sätt bidra till förklaringen att värden endast kan uppkomma ur mänskligheten. Ett annat viktigt och relevant argument som belyses av alla tre handlar om hur vi måste förhålla oss till varandra som en förutsättning för det goda. Agent-relativa skäl ter sig som mest trovärdiga då de utgår från agentens förmåga och kapacitet att bedöma moraliska aspekter. Hur vi kommer överens om gemensamma skäl och hur vi delar dem kvarstår som olöst, så därför ter sig delade, publika och agent-neutrala skäl problematiska. / The aim of the thesis was to critically examine different philosophical views regarding reasons for action and how reasons are justified based on values and the good. How credible and reasonable are the arguments and their relation to values and the good? The theories of following philosophers have been examined: Thomas Nagel, Christine Korsgaard and R Jay Wallace. I argue that reasons for actions should be based on solid grounds and that the reasons and values should be considered as subjective and agent-relative. Nagel is the only one who claims that there are irreducible agent-relative reasons and values, something that is disputed by both Korsgaard and Wallace. However, I mean that they both a certain agent-relativity in their arguments, Korsgaard in ambitions and Wallace in special cases.They all contribute with significant arguments about the fact that reasons does have a moral claim on the agent, regardless of the type of reasons they advocate. However, values cannot possibly be accepted or appear credible based on Nagel's argument that the values are objective without human involvement. Korsgaard has an important view and succeeds in a credible way in contributing to the explanation that values can only arise from humanity. Another important and relevant argument, highlighted by all three, is about how we must relate to each other as a prerequisite for the good. Agent-relative reasons appear to be the most credible and are based on the agent's ability and capacity to assess moral aspects when relevant. How we can agree on reasons and share them remains unresolved, therefore shared, public and agent-neutral reasons seem problematic.

For many, epistemology is a normative discipline in much the same sense as ethics. According to the analogy, just as ethics is about what we should do and how we should live our lives, epistemology is about what we should believe and how we should go about forming our beliefs. What complicates the analogy, however, is that believing things is also a part of living life. Our beliefs aren’t only evaluable with respect to whether they are credible, true, or amount to knowledge, but also with respect to whether they are useful, beneficial, or contribute to our happiness and wellbeing. The analogy implies that epistemic considerations (like evidence, truth, or knowledge) settle questions about what we should believe just as ethical considerations (like duty, goodness, or virtue) settle questions about what we should do and how we should live. The present work is an attempt to challenge this general picture of the subject matter of epistemology. Specifically, I argue that the normative assessment of belief cannot be understood in isolation from the broader social practices and human activities in virtue of which what we believe is ethically and practically significant. Chapter I introduces the central issues and raises a challenge to views that distinguish between epistemic and ethical assessment in terms of reasons for belief and reasons for action, respectively. The conclusion of this chapter is that there must be some conceptual link between the norms of belief and the norms of action. Chapter II builds upon this challenge by spelling out that conceptual link: reasons for belief entail reasons for action, and vice versa. The main conclusion of chapters I and II is that epistemology cannot settle questions about what we should believe without also settling questions about what we should do, and ethics cannot settle questions about what we should do without also settling questions about what we should believe. Chapters III and IV provide novel answers to two significant challenges to abandoning the analogy: providing plausible accounts of the relationship between reasons and rational motivation and the normative comparison of epistemic considerations and practical reasons for belief.

ABSTRACT   ADDICTION IS A SPECIAL KIND OF HELL. IT TAKES THE SOUL OF THE ADDICT   AND BREAKS THE HEARTS OF EVERYONE WHO LOVES THEM” Research problem: A quantitative study to assess the knowledge and reasons of Smoking among young people in Sweden       The aim of the study is to assess the reasons for smoking among young people in Sweden. To associate the level of knowledge with the demographical variables such as age, sex, marital status, socio-economic level, education, father’s education, and mother’s education. To assess the attitude about a cigarette, use, and willingness to stop smoking addiction.       The theoretical framework is based on social learning theory.  Pearson’s chi-square test and non-experimental descriptive research design were applied. A total of 100 samples were selected, and the data was collected by structured interview questionnaire. Two kinds of Non- probability sampling techniques namely, convenience and snowball sampling were used. Data were compiled and analyzed for completeness. Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS ‑ version 20.0) (IBM Corp. Released 2011. IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, Version 20.0. Armonk, NY: IBM Corp) was used for analysis and measure the central tendency of the data. According to the results, the male percentage is more than the female. The overall status of smoking people in 100 samples 84 peoples smoke and 16 are non -smoker. More than half of people are educated.  The participants agreed that usually, smoking habits start in youth. People who start smoking for relaxation are 22(26%), curiosity 15 (17.8%), and reduction of stress. Many of them started smoking because of their friends13(15.4%). The majority of people 14(16.6%) agree that habit starts because of their loneliness and boredom.   Keywords Young people, smoking, reasons, Sweden

For researchers, suicide is a major concern in young adults. The additional stressors that may be present for gay or lesbian individuals may promote less adaptive characteristics than in heterosexual individuals. Gay and lesbian and heterosexual subjects completed the Reasons for Living Inventory (RFL) to determine levels of adaptive characteristics that may prevent suicidal behaviors. Results indicated that gay men and lesbian women endorsed less reasons for living than did heterosexual individuals. This reduced level of coping skills may be a result of increased responsibilities, demands, and stressors associated with choosing a homosexual lifestyle.

For researchers, suicide is a major concern in young adults. The additional stressors that may be present for gay or lesbian individuals may promote less adaptive characteristics than in heterosexual individuals. Gay and lesbian and heterosexual subjects completed the Reasons for Living Inventory (RFL) to determine levels of adaptive characteristics that may prevent suicidal behaviors. Results indicated that gay men and lesbian women endorsed less reasons for living than did heterosexual individuals. This reduced level of coping skills may be a result of increased responsibilities, demands, and stressors associated with choosing a homosexual lifestyle.

OBJECTIVE: Adults with mood disorders are at elevated risk for suicide. Psychological features such as hopelessness increase their risk for suicide ideation. Few studies have examined psychological constructs posited to lower risk for suicide ideation. The authors tested the hypothesis that reasons for living (RFL) are inversely related to suicide ideation. DESIGN: This report is a secondary analysis of cross-sectional data. SETTING: Participants were recruited from the clinical services of three teaching hospitals in Rochester, NY. PARTICIPANTS: The sample consisted of 125 adults 50 years or older receiving treatment for a mood disorder. MEASUREMENTS: A diagnostic interview and measures of suicide ideation, depression, hopelessness, and RFL were included in the assessment battery. Dependent variables were presence and severity of suicide ideation. Data were analyzed using multivariate logistic and linear regressions. RESULTS: Patients who reported higher levels of fear of suicide were less likely to report suicide ideation. The relationships between hopelessness and both the presence and severity of suicide ideation were stronger among those who reported greater levels of responsibility to family. CONCLUSIONS: Clinicians working with at-risk older adults are encouraged to explore their patients' RFL. These cross-sectional findings point to the need for prospective research examining the associations among different RFL, hopelessness, and suicide ideation in depressed older adults.

They learned something of our American way of life and enjoyed it enough to want to share in it. They knew that to be able to compete with others they would have to get an education and be able to speak English. When these veterans and defense workers returned to the reservation after the war, they started a movement to get the children into school. This movement grew until 91 percent of all school age children were in school in 1957 compared with 32 percent in 1945 when the movement started.

Previous research has demonstrated that children who have been physically punished exhibit several negative behaviors that continue into adulthood. These negative behaviors include aggressiveness, violence, and depression. Research has also demonstrated that children whose mothers work outside the home for pay were more likely to exhibit signs of depression than children whose mothers stayed at home. The subjects in this study were administered a brief demographic questionnaire that contained questions pertaining to the type of punishment they received both before the age of 7 and after they were 12 years old. There were also questions pertaining to their mothers working outside the home for pay and the type of employment (parttime vs. full-time). Participants were administered the expanded Reasons for Living Inventory (RFL) which assesses reasons people have for not committing suicide. Thus, the independent variables were punishment style (physically punished without explanation, physically punished with explanation, negative verbal punishment, positive verbal punishment, both, or neither) and maternal employment history (mother worked outside the home when you were a child or stayed at home). The dependent variables were the scores on the six sub-scales of the RFL, as well as the Total RFL score. A 2 (Gender) X 2 (Punishment Style) X 2 (Maternal Employment) design with unequal cell sizes was used to test for main effects adn interaction effects on all hypotheses. It was predicted that subjects who were not physically punished would score higher on the RFL otal score than subjects who were physically punished. In addition, it was predicted that subjects who were not physically punished would report higher scores on the Survival & Coping belief sub-scale of the RFL than subjects who were physically punished. It was predicted that subjects whose nothers did not work outside the home for pay would score higher on the Total RFL score, and subjects whose mothers did not work outside the home for pay would report higher scores on the Survival & Coping belief sub-scale of the RFL. Also, it was predicted that women would score higher than men on the RFL Total score, and women who were not physically punished would score higher on the RFL Total score than men who were physically punished. Finally, it was predicted that women whose mothers did not work outside the home and who were not physically punished would score higher on the RFL Total score. Participants included 203 individuals (87 male, 116 women). Sixty-three percent of subjects received care from both of their parents, and 83% of subjects' caregivers were married. Subjects were enrolled in undergraduate and graduate level psychology classes at a southeastern university. Only one hypothesis was confirmed in this study. Women did score higher than men on the RFL Total score. Several, non-hypothesized results were found that may also be significant. An overwhelming 74% of women worked after their child was born, as reported by the subjects. Half of the women went back to work right after their child was born. Also, most subjects were both physically and verbally punished before they were 7 years old. Eighty-four percent of subjects reported being punished after they were 12, with 20% of those being punished both physically and verbally. In summary, the data suggest that many factors related to punishment style and use need to be examined. Subjects often reported negative verbal punishment that included being yelled at or called derogatory names. The psychological effects of punishment have long been a debated topic. Also, in society today, many women are opting to return to the work force. The possible effects of this trend need to be examined. This study attempted to examine only a small portion of the population. Future research should include a broader subject range and should attempt to uncover any possible factors in children's environments that may lead to the aggressive and violent tendencies we are seeing in the media.