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Este trabalho propõe a investigação da interface entre as identidades políticas e raciais envolvidas na revolta liberal da Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). A análise basear-se-á na documentação produzida pelos próprios envolvidos e também nas fontes referentes à repressão do movimento, de modo que se ofereça um panorama comparativo entre a autoidentificação dos rebeldes e a identificação destes pelos seus adversários. A investigação proposta se insere no amplo debate a respeito da formação da identidade nacional brasileira, dada a partir do reordenamento das múltiplas identidades engendradas no processo de formação e desagregação do Império Português na América. / This work proposes to investigate the interface between political and racial identities involved in the liberal rebellion called Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). The analysis will be based on the documentation produced by the people involved in it and also by the sources regarding the repression of it. The identities of rebels and legalists as seen by themselves and by their opponents will be compared. The proposed investigation becomes part of a broad debate concerning the Brazilian national identity, given after the rearrangement of multiple identities generated in the formation processes and the disintegration of the Portuguese Empire in America.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2014-08-21T11:10:46Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao_thalles_murilo.pdf: 3563204 bytes, checksum: 8255452b8a9dacce30663f19e3900f3e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-21T11:10:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao_thalles_murilo.pdf: 3563204 bytes, checksum: 8255452b8a9dacce30663f19e3900f3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-23 / The A Matutina Meiapontense (1830 – 1834) was the first jornal of Goiás and represents the awakening of regional elites for the use of media as a tool for power struggle, public debate of ideas and legitimacy of group interests. Moreover, the printed document was the pioneer produced by the regional elites with density and regularity, fundamental to understand the meanings of the constitutional language political and the behavior of citizens who forwarded the written form for more than four consecutive years. View of this, the work argues that liberal political language of A Matutina Meiapontense has changed over the years of its circulation in accordance with the interests of the elite that led him, which organized and meant multiform Brazilian reality between the end of the First Reign and the early years of the Regency according to their interests. Shortly, the liberal and constitutionalist language of the journal was both expression and result of the struggle for power in the Province of Goiás. / O A Matutina Meiapontense (1830-1834) foi o primeiro periódico de Goiás e representa o despertar das elites regionais para o uso da imprensa como instrumento de luta pelo poder, de debate público das ideias e de legitimação dos interesses de grupo. Ademais, o impresso foi o pioneiro documento produzido pelas elites goianas com densidade e regularidade, elemento fundamental para se compreender os sentidos da linguagem constitucional e o comportamento político dos cidadãos que encaminharam o escrito impresso por mais de quatro anos consecutivos. Diante disso, o trabalho defende que a linguagem política liberal do A Matutina Meiapontense se modificou ao longo dos anos de sua circulação de acordo com os interesses da elite que lhe conduzia, a qual organizou e significou a realidade multiforme brasileira entre o fim do Primeiro Reinado e os primeiros anos da Regência segundo seus interesses. Em poucas palavras, a linguagem liberal e constitucionalista do periódico era ao mesmo tempo expressão e resultado da luta pelo poder na Província de Goiás.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-126).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-126).

Henri de La Tour d’Auvergne (1555-1623), vicomte de Turenne, maréchal et duc de Bouillon, est l’un des principaux lieutenants d’Henri de Navarre pendant les guerres de religion. Jouissant d’une belle longévité, il est impliqué dans la plupart des événements politiques des années 1570, avec la formation du mouvement des Malcontents, à sa mort, en particulier sous la régence de Marie de Médicis et lors du déclenchement de la guerre de Trente ans. L’approche du personnage a longtemps été brouillée par les campagnes de libelles lancées contre lui à la fin de sa vie et par les critiques de Sully, Richelieu et Rohan dans leurs mémoires, qui font de lui un éternel trublion, ingrat à l’égard du roi et prompt à la révolte. Cette dégradation de son image s’explique par le contexte politique des années 1610 au cours desquelles il joue un rôle majeur. Elle constitue une réaction à la spectaculaire affirmation politique et sociale de la maison La Tour d’Auvergne depuis le milieu du XVe siècle, processus dans lequel il joue un rôle décisif. Elle s’explique par la tension dynamique qui apparaît, à partir de son avènement à Sedan en 1591, entre ses fonctions de sujet du roi de France, de chef de file du parti protestant et de prince souverain étranger. Henri de La Tour jouit d’une grande capacité d’action en raison de sa polyvalence – ambassadeur, chef de guerre, prince lettré, bâtisseur, législateur – et des puissants réseaux dans lesquels il s’intègre, et qu’il contrôle parfois, dans le royaume de France et dans l’Europe protestante. / Henri de La Tour d’Auvergne (1555-1623), viscount of Turenne and maréchal-duc de Bouillon, was one of Henri de Navarre’s principal lieutenants during the French Wars of Religion. Having lived a long life, he was involved in most of the political events during the 1570’s, from the creation of the Malcontents, to his death, particularily during the reign of Marie de Medicis and the Thirty years war. Towards the end of his life, satirical writings and criticism from Sully, Richelieu and Rohan, marred understanding of his actions, portraying him as a perpetual troublemaker, ungrateful to the king and quick to revolt. This negative portrait of his character is due to the political context of the 1610’s during which he was one of the main figures. Such a distortion is a reaction to the spectacular political and social ascent of the House of La Tour d’Auvergne from the middle of XVth century onwards in which he played a leading role. It is also due to a dynamic tension starting with his arrival in Sedan in 1591, in his duties as a subject of the King of France, as leader of the Huguenots and as a sovereign prince abroad. His great reactivity is explained by his varied functions – as ambassador, war leader, a well-read prince, builder, legislator – and his participation at the heart of powerful networks, which he sometimes controlled, throughout the Kingdom of France and Protestant Europe.

Este trabalho propõe a investigação da interface entre as identidades políticas e raciais envolvidas na revolta liberal da Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). A análise basear-se-á na documentação produzida pelos próprios envolvidos e também nas fontes referentes à repressão do movimento, de modo que se ofereça um panorama comparativo entre a autoidentificação dos rebeldes e a identificação destes pelos seus adversários. A investigação proposta se insere no amplo debate a respeito da formação da identidade nacional brasileira, dada a partir do reordenamento das múltiplas identidades engendradas no processo de formação e desagregação do Império Português na América. / This work proposes to investigate the interface between political and racial identities involved in the liberal rebellion called Sabinada (Bahia, 1837-1838). The analysis will be based on the documentation produced by the people involved in it and also by the sources regarding the repression of it. The identities of rebels and legalists as seen by themselves and by their opponents will be compared. The proposed investigation becomes part of a broad debate concerning the Brazilian national identity, given after the rearrangement of multiple identities generated in the formation processes and the disintegration of the Portuguese Empire in America.

This essay applies a feminist neo-Marxist perspective to analyze the intricate parts of society in Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice. The essay performs an analysis of societal norms and the influence the economy has on individuals with a focus on the character Charlotte Lucas by applying feminist and Marxist frameworks to the character and her choices. The analysis explores how Regency patriarchy influences the lives and choices of individuals such as Charlotte, who has to make decisions within societal constraints in pursuit of a stable future. An introduction to feminist neo-Marxism is made to establish a theoretical understanding of the gender roles and power dynamics in the novel. Interactions between gender expectations, economic factors, and class are highlighted. Regency societal norms and economic pressures are especially analyzed to contextualize Charlotte’s choices. This essay offers insight into the character’s motivations while highlighting what in the way society functions drives them to make the decisions they do, especially as women.

- The thesis is focused on Swedish foreign policy during the period 1660 - 1675, the early years of Charles XI's reign. Although Sweden is considered as an empire practically all over the 17th century, from the economic point of view it was a weak country. Sweden was totally depending on financial help from its allies, especially during periods of peace, as it was the case between 1660 and 1675. This fact belongs to the main aspects influencing the Swedish foreign policy at this time. Main part of the thesis is dedicated to relations between Sweden and other European states. The most significant were the relations with France and Denmark, since France was the ally which provided Sweden the needed finance. The role of Denmark was also essential because of its geographical position as neighbouring country to Sweden. The thesis indeed discusses relations to some other states that played an important role as well - England, the Netherlands, Brandenburg, other German states, Poland and Russia. The aim of the thesis is not just to analyse the Swedish foreign policy, but even to answer questions if there was any alternative or if the way this policy was conducted was the only possible one and also, if such policy can be considered as success or failure. These questions are answered at the final part of...

La plupart des études modernes tendent à analyser l’histoire de la société libyenne selon un schéma qui réduit la vie sociale et économique de la Libye au nomadisme et aux rapports tribaux ou bien à la pratique de l’agriculture pastorale et au commerce du transit ; à cela se rajoute une activité corsaire exercée dans les villes côtières. Par conséquent, cette vision de l’histoire du pays est réduite à deux interprétations. Tandis que la première se rapporte strictement à l’histoire interne, la deuxième est liée aux facteurs externes ; toutefois les deux ne sont que très rarement liés. En revanche, l’objectif de notre thèse vise à prendre en compte l’ensemble des facteurs tant internes qu’externes de l’histoire de la ville de Tripoli et de ses arrière-pays sans oublier qu’il s’inscrit dans l’histoire méditerranéenne et ottomane afin d’étudier tous les aspects de l’histoire sociale et économique de la Tripolitaine via la classe marchande de l’Iyālat Ṭarābulus al-Gharb. Les sources locales tels les registres des tribunaux sharî‘a à Tripoli, le journal du commerçant Ḥasan al-Faqīh Ḥasan mais aussi européennes, notamment, les rapports des consuls français et livournais nous dévoilent les détails d’unesynergie des réseaux économiques et sociaux, nous donnant tout un autre aspect de l’histoire libyenne. / Most studies on the modern history of Libya and its society tend to limit their scope to a schema that reduces the social and economic life of Libya to nomadic and tribal relations or to the practice of pastoral agriculture and transit trade; corsair activity exercised on the coastal cities is also a focus. Consequently, this vision of the country’s history is reduced to twointerpretations. While the first relates strictly to the internal history of the area, the second refers exclusively to the external factor; only rarely are both aspects analyzed together. Keeping this in mind, our dissertation takes into account both internal and external elements related to the history of the city of Tripoli and its hinterlands as well as the fact that it is partand parcel of Mediterranean and Ottoman history, aiming thereby to study all the aspects which compose the social and economic history of the Tripolitain via the merchant class of Iyālat Ṭarābulus al-Gharb. Local sources such as the registers from the Tripoli Ottoman-era sharî‘a court along with entries from the journal of the Tripoli businessman Ḥasan al-FaqīhḤasan in addition to European consular reports, in particular, those from the French consuls as well as the Livorno consular reports reveal a synergy of economic and social networks which show an entirely new aspect of Libyan history.