The philosophical and scientific teaching in the universities of 17th century Scotland has frequently been dismissed as Aristotelian and reactionary. However, there must surely have been some development during the century for the universities to have achieved as much as they did in the 18th century. It is the purpose of this study to investigate the contant of the courses in philosophy and science given at the Scottish Universities in the 17th century with a view to answering the following quesions: Was Aristotle really taught so exclusively throughout the century? Or, given that the universities did concentrate on Aristotle to a great extent, was this Aristotleianism so monolithic and unifrom as is sometimes made out? Did Scottish university teachers make any acknowledgement of the philosophical and scientific revolutions which were taking place in the 17th century? How were the universities affected by the political and religeous struggles of the century? Was the teaching the same at Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Glasgow and St. Andrews, or were some of the universities in advance of the others? The main sources for our knowledge of 17th century Scottish university teaching are student lecture notes or dictates and the graduate theses produced by the masters or regents for the students to defend at the annual laureation ceremony. the dictates and theses are supplemented by library lists, university and faculty minutes, and the reports of the numerous commissions appointed by church and state to visit the universities during the 17th century, together with papers relating to these commissions. Throughout the century the curriculum at all universities remained the same in outline, viz. 1st year: Greek; 2nd years: Logic/ metaphysics; 3rd year: Metaphysics/ Ethics; 4th year: physics. Until the 1660s the teaching in the 2nd, 3rd and fourth years consisted of commentaries on Aristotle, but the authorities cited by the regents show that they were acquainted with more 'modern' Aristotalians, e.g. Zabarella and the Coimbra commentators. Frequently the works of such authors were praised, and the library lists show that they were bought extensively. From the 1660s onwards Cartesianism entered the courses. At first the regents distrusted this new philosophy, and indeed as long as Descartes was taught in the Scottish Universities, many of the regents and visiting commissioners feared the atheistic implications of Cartesian mechanism. However, descartes was accorded warm praise in the theses and dictates for Edinburgh, St. Andrews and Aberdeen during the 1670s and 1680s. by the 1690s the enthusiasm for Descartes was beginning to decline, although some of the regents continued to teach Cartesianism into the 18th century. In Logic and Metaphysics the teaching of Locke was often adopted, and in Physics Newtonian ideas were expounded. The teaching was perhaps most conservative in Logic, where Aristotelian ideas continued to be taught by the scholastic method of debate until the beginning of the 18th century. Despite the praises of Descartes's method, and later Locke, the scheme for Logic teaching was probably based on scholastic textbooks such as those of Keckermann and Burgersdijk. In Metaphysics too scolasticism tended to predominate, but because of Scotland's religeous allegiance there are numerous quotations from and references to the works of Protestant theologians. Once commentaries on Aristotle ceased, metaphysics was divided into Metaphysics proper and Pneumatology, the two subjects frequently being separated and taught in different years of the course. the Scottis regents saw Ethics as a strictly practical science, aimed at teaching their students how to live as godly citizens. Accordingly in their Ethics teaching they tended to cite authorities less frequently than in their teaching of other subjects; instead they gave rules of conduct for their students. After the 1660s many of the regents based their teaching on Henry More, and Descartes's theory of the passions was widely accepted. Discussion of different types of justice and of natural law formed a great part of the Ethics dictates and theses, and Grotius, Cumberland and Puffendorf were all referred to. In Physics the experiments of many contempory or recent scientists were described. Robert Boyle and the Royal Society were universally praised by the regents. the work of English, French and Dutch scientists featured prominently in the lectures from the 1660s onwards, and were bought for the libraries. Cartesian physics and cosmology were taught in the last quarter of the 17th century, but by the beginning of the 18th century many of the regents had gone over to Newtonianism.the politicl and religeous upheavals in 17th century Scotland affected staff appointments in the universities. many of the regents lost their posts in 1638 and during the Civil Wars, at the Restoration, and at the revolutioanry Settlement in 1689. Unorthodoxy in their dictates and theses was frowned on, and sometimes led to dismissal. Various commissioners tried to regulate what was taught in the universities, and in the 1690s a project for a uniform course made considerable headway. however, despite this interference on part of state and church, the universities managed to preserve a fair degree of autonomy, and both their statements in answer to the commission's proposals in the 1690s and the actual content of their dictates and theses show a concern to uphold their academic integrity. The courses in the Scottish universities were sufficiently similar to enable one to talk of 17th century Scottish university education in general terms, but the universities did not always agree amongst themselves, as their comments on each other's contributions to the uniform course show. Edinburgh seems generally to have been the most advanced of the universities in its teaching, Glasgow the least. the conclusion of this survey is that university education in the 17th century was by no means as consistently uninspired as is sometimes proposed. It is true that neither the system of regenting nor the troubled stare of the country in the 17th century were conductive to a high educational standard. Nevertheless, there is some evidence of new ideas in the dictates and theses from 1600 to the 1660s, and after that date many of the regents showed themselves to be conversant with new devlopments in all fields of philosophy. By the beginning of the 18th century the way had been paved for the intellectual achievements of that century in the universities.

<p>Social housing residents’ lived experiences and understandings of their neighbourhood and home are key factors influencing their health and wellbeing, but remain under-examined in the urban redevelopment literature. This thesis investigates the ways in which people living in Toronto’s Regent Park, Canada’s oldest and largest social housing development undergoing “neighbourhood revitalization,” experience their community and respond to neighbourhood stigma. Drawing on Lamont’s (2009) destigmatization practices concept, the aim of this study was to understand “neighbourhood revitalization” as a place destigmatization strategy that may influence the ways in which residents engage in personal destigmatization practices as well as affect their perceived health and wellbeing. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with 15 Regent Park residents and NVivo 9 software was used for data analysis. Findings show that participants utilize various counter-narratives as destigmatization practices that challenge dominant narratives and stereotypical representations of their neighbourhood. However, since re-housing in revitalized buildings, participants’ narratives describing their neighbourhood have changed and may further stigmatize some Regent Park residents. Counter-narratives may be implicitly linked to resiliency and wellbeing, while place destigmatization through revitalization was strongly associated to residents’ perceived improvements in health and wellbeing. The findings of this thesis may contribute to the developing literature on the impacts of urban redevelopment on residents’ health and wellbeing.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

Margaret of Austria (1480--1530) ruled the Burgundian Netherlands for over twenty years and was an integral member of the joint Houses of Burgundy and Habsburg. She was also one of the most prolific patrons and collectors of her time. This dissertation examines Margaret's patronage in relation to her contemporary environment with the aim of extending and deepening our understanding of her commissions within the dynamics and discourses of the culture of the early sixteenth century. / Margaret of Austria was a highly conscientious patron and the art and architecture she commissioned intimately reflected her life. Chapter one introduces the historical facts of Margaret's life as well as issues affecting her patronage. Chapter two considers the monastery of Brou in Savoy as Margaret's architectural autobiography. Drawing on documentation and the building itself, it examines Margaret's involvement in Brou's creation. Chapter three looks at several of Margaret's other commissions such as her residence, the Palace of Savoy in Mechelen and the Convent of the Annunciate in Bruges. This chapter considers the potential goals of these projects, as ambitious as founding a capital city, embellishing her authority as a ruler, or attaining sainthood. Chapter four turns to Margaret's self-portraits, that is, images she commissioned of herself. Created in several mediums for a variety of audiences (including herself), Margaret's self-portraits portray her as everything from a widow to a goddess to a saint. Each image was designed for a specific audience and demonstrates Margaret's understanding of the function of images in negotiating a place in the contemporary world and history. Chapter five presents Margaret's view of herself as one of the rulers of a New World Empire with her pioneering collection of artefacts from the Americas. The conclusion considers the unique image of Margaret of Austria that emerges from her commissions.

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5044.pdf: 1382379 bytes, checksum: 16170b952d4fd3ef68ccb6e482a4c37c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-22 / This research investigated the learning faculty of experienced teachers who act as "guardians-rulers" in a "supervised" program developed by the Faculty of Education in UFSCar, in the distance, considering the perspectives of these professionals. Specifically, we would like to to understand the changes in the knowledge base for teaching teachers of educational supervisors to act as placement of student teachers, tutors-regents from their participation program. The literature that supports the study is based on studies of Mizukami (2002, 2004, 2006) and Shulman (1986, 1987, 2005) (knowledge base), Garcia (1999, 2002), Vaillant (2003, 2004), Reali (1995, 2009) (teacher trainer), Pepper and Lima (2002, 2006, 2008) (supervised) and the Distance education as a tool for training of trainers based on Rinaldi (2009), Reali (2009) among others who understand the teacher education as a field to be explored and improved constantly. Through a qualitative study a descriptive-analytical revealed the importance of specific training of teachers to act as supervisors stages of future teachers, or "teacher trainers", and the urgency to score elements that make up the base knowledge for teaching trainer. / Esta pesquisa investigou as aprendizagens docentes de professores experientes que atuam como tutores-regentes no programa de estágio supervisionado desenvolvido pelo curso de Pedagogia da UFSCar, na modalidade a distância, considerando a perspectiva desses profissionais. Especificamente, procurou-se compreender as modificações na base de conhecimento para o ensino dos professores das redes de ensino ao atuarem como supervisores de estágios de futuros professores, os tutores-regentes, a partir de sua participação programa. A literatura que dá sustentação ao estudo é baseada em estudos de Mizukami (2002, 2004, 2006) e Shulman (1986, 1987, 2005) (base do conhecimento), Garcia (1999, 2002), Vaillant (2003, 2004), Reali (1995, 2009) (formador de professores) Pimenta e Lima (2002, 2006,2008) (estágio supervisionado) e sobre a educação a Distância como ferramenta de formação de professores, baseada em Rinaldi (2009), Reali (2009) dentre outros que entendem a formação de professores como um campo a ser explorado e melhorado incessantemente. Por meio de um estudo qualitativo de natureza descritivo-analítico, evidenciou-se a importância da formação específica dos professores para atuar como supervisores de estágios de futuros professores, ou seja, formadores de professores , e a urgência em se pontuar elementos que compõem a base de conhecimento para o ensino do formador.

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This is a study on crowns, wreaths and diadems as role symbols in Peter Paul Rubens’s 24 paintings for Marie de’Medici in Paris, 1622 – 1625. In these paintings, historic facts are shown with the addition of mythological gods and their symbols giving allegorical scenes, where sometimes also Christian symbols or subjects can be traced. A reader of these painted motifs therefore can choose to see the symbols as regal, Christian or mythological. The crown and the wreaths rarely present a challenge in modern interpretations, but the magnificent diadem does. Rubens chooses this diadem for higher goddesses, and for the queen a couple of times too. For some reason, this symbol is mostly misread in analyses. At this point in history, the crowns and the wreaths have been collected from divine spheres and turned into physical objects on earth used by the high and mighty. The large diadem has not; it is still only a symbol on a goddess. If and when put on a human in a portrait, the symbol gives the lady the abilities and characters of a goddess. Rubens uses his own design when turning this symbol into a physical picture;it is a high, pointed diadem with pearls and coloured gems set in gold. He has used it on goddesses both before and after the Medici commission. Today, we have seen numerous spectacular headpieces like this from late 18th century an onwards, wherefore it is an easy mistake to believe that Rubens copied what he saw instead of, as he actually did, foreboding a coming fashion. In addition to confirming this, I also suggest that it is the highest goddess Juno queen Marie is personifying. Juno is mostly known today as a goddess for women and childbirth. But she had far more masculine tasks in earlier days: she was seen as the saviour of the country and a special counsellor of the state. These two important roles are exactly what Marie de’ Medici took on when acting as regent for her young son, Louis XIII,after the murder of her husband, the late Henry IV. By putting Juno’s diadem on Marie’s head, when sitting on a throne, the divine abilities are manifested according to how a historic period could be transferred to the allegorical language in a painting at the time.

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.