The empirical evidence and the academic literature point to the opposed directions on the capability of the territorial arrangements to extenuate conflict in ethnically divided and civil war-worn countries. Little is known about the diverse capacities of the territorial power sharing arrangements in diminishing violence in the post-conflict societies. Therefore, this thesis aims to contribute to the field through studying the conditions under which territorial power sharing arrangements reduce violence in the post-conflict settings. I argue that a resumption of violence is less likely following territorial power sharing arrangements in cases where a relatively  high level of economic decentralization is provided for a subnational entity, as it allows the rebel groups to sustain their support base among key constituencies. To test the theoretical argument, a structured, focused comparison of territorial power sharing arrangements in Aceh province of Indonesia and Mindanao province of the Philippines is conducted. The empirical findings give support to the hypothesis in the expected direction. Aceh, where the resumption of violence did not occur, also was enjoying a relatively higher level of economic decentralization. While in ARMM, where the violence resumed after five years following the peace agreement, economic decentralization was relatively low. Nevertheless, the extended analysis reveals additional factors. Transformation of the rebel organization into the political parties and inclusive peace agreements potentially may have impact on the territorial power sharing arrangements’ capability to contain violence in the post conflict environments.

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Under the influence of orientation towards European integration, Georgia has introduced a variety of new laws with the apparent aim to decentralize legislative and executive powers. This paper shows that the Georgian efforts of decentralization remain superficial, mainly because they are not backed by additional fiscal competences at the municipality level. Following an initial description of the pre-reform situation as of 2006 and based upon a detailed account of the structural changes since 2007, the author gives insight into the conflicts which arise from the lack of institutional congruency. Neither the extraordinary status of the capital Tbilisi nor the seeming autonomy of the Rebublic of Adjara are likely to sway the renegade territories of Abchasia and Ossetia towards a reintegration under Georgian centralized rule as it continues to exist today. Likewise, the success of the proposed and discussed fiscal equalization scheme depends on whether the President and his ruling party are willing to delegate powers to the subodinate jurisdictions.

This paper discusses the problems regarding the decentralisation of a formerly communist country. In Georgia, the first steps towards decentralisation failed, since the transition process led to a power vacuum that escalated in bloody conflicts and secessionist movements. The status of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is still unclear and the intra-state tensions remain unsolved. This may be one of the reasons why the most recent attempts of decentralisation are rather hesitant. It is far from clear whether decentralisation in response to regional tensions would increase instability or political stability. We identify the limited autonomy at the local and regional levels as a major obstacle and challenge for the further reform process.

This paper gives a review on the theoretical foundation for fiscal decentralisation and a status quo analysis of the intergovernmental relations in Mongolia. It consists of two parts. Part I briefly reviews the theories of fiscal decentralisation and its impact on the nations’ welfare considering the major challenges for a transition economy. Part II of the paper describes the general structure and scope of the government and examines the current fiscal autonomy in Mongolia focusing on the four main areas of intergovernmental relations. This paper concludes that local governments in Mongolia are still far away from having the political, administrative and fiscal autonomy. New approaches for the assignments of expenditures and revenues in Mongolia are urgently needed.

O objetivo central deste artigo é verificar em que medida as estratégias de autonomia regional e de compartilhamento do desenvolvimento, empreendidas pelos governos Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003 a 2014), expressaram a intenção de constituir uma hegemonia política brasileira sobre a América do Sul. O esforço de construção de um espaço de liderança hegemônica do Brasil no continente se assentou na ideia da legitimação pelo consentimento dos demais Estados sobre esta liderança regional. Esta política estava amparada em um bloco de forças, reunindo a burguesia interna e setores da classe trabalhadora, interessada na ampliação do mercado consumidor e produtor, como um mecanismo da ampliação da economia brasileira. O contexto internacional de crítica à liderança unipolar dos Estados Unidos da América, os índices de crescimento econômico do Brasil e o forte ativismo político internacional do governo brasileiro contribuíram para criar as condições para essa pretensão de liderança hegemônica do país. A análise tem por método a aplicação do conceito de hegemonia política construído por Antonio Gramsci, tendo sido realizado uma revisão da literatura e dos documentos oficiais brasileiros. / The objective of this study is to verify to what extent the strategies for regional autonomy and shared development employed by Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff’s administration periods (2003-2014) expressed the intent of creating a Brazilian political hegemony over South America. The effort to build a space for Brazil’s hegemonic leadership in the continent was based on the idea of a legitimacy afforded by the consent of the other countries in what regards this regional leadership. This policy was supported by a bloc of forces that brought together Brazil’s internal bourgeoisie and sectors of the working class, both interested in the expansion of the consumer and producer markets as a means to expand the Brazilian economy. The international context, which criticized the unipolar leadership enforced by the United Stated, the indexes of Brazil’s economic growth and the strong international political activism put forth by the Brazilian government contributed to create the conditions necessary for Brazil’s pretension of hegemonic leadership. The analysis has by method the application of the concept of political hegemony constructed by Antonio Gramsci, having been realized a review of de literature and the official brazilian documents.

為面對全球化及區域化的激烈競爭，我國政府的因應策略中即包括藉由健全區域的發展，提昇國家總體競爭力，而具體政策之一為於地方制度法增訂縣市單獨或合併升格直轄市的條文，以期透過直轄市帶動週邊縣市的發展。然而直轄市組織制度與縣市不同，轄內劃分為「區」，區非自治團體而為市政府的派出機關，因此99年隨同新北市、臺中市及高雄市轄區內烏來、和平、桃源、茂林及那瑪夏等5個於於山地原住民區域的山地鄉改制為直轄市之區，不再具有公法人地方，無法進行自治，因而引起原住民族的抗爭。 經過原住民籍立委不斷爭取要求烏來等五區恢復自治的權利，終在103年1月14日於立法院三讀通過地方制度法修正案，將此五區改制為擁有自治團體地位的「直轄市山地原住民區」，並於同年1月29日由總統公布施行，後於11月29日進行第一屆山地原住民區長及區民代表的選舉。而本研究係以由五個區於改制為直轄市之區至修法取得自治權為時序範圍，蒐集政策變遷過程的相關資料，並以質化深度訪談相關立法及行政機關人員，以期取得多面向的資訊，以分析並建構本個案更完整的面貌。 本研究藉由政策變遷理論構築之以「環境與制度面向」、「政策網絡及互動」及「政策性質與屬性」等三個面向為基礎的研究架構，並觀察政策窗模式的作用及影響，最後透過系統化重組次級資料及訪談紀錄，提出研究發現、實務建議及後續研究建議。 其中有關實務建議部分，第一，提出本個案成功達到政策變遷的原因、過程及關鍵因素，希望作為往後欲推動政策變遷之類似個案參考；其次，希望中央相關部會儘速完成制度面後續的配套修法，並協助原住民地區提升自籌財源能力；第三，中央與地方應有更充份的溝通，並且協助地方改善因選舉而衍生的陋習；再來，應釐清我國原住民族自治的範疇、定位及方式；最後，建議針對重大政策變遷可依指標進行政策評估。另外，於後續研究建議部分，本研究認為可針對立法委員立法面向、保障少數族群的底線及政黨因素於原住民族區域治理的作用等議題進一步的研究及討論。 / Facing global competition and the localization of competitive advantage, Taiwanese government enforces strategies including strengthening regional development to promote general competitiveness of the country. One of the concrete policies is the amendment of Local Government Act in planning to change counties/cities into special municipalities or merge counties/cities with other special municipalities or counties/cities into a special municipality to push the development of the regions forward. However, the organization system of special municipality is different from counties/cities. “Districts” within the special municipality are branches of city government, no longer autonomous as local self-government. In 2010, regions like Wulai located in New Taipei City, Heping in Taichung, Maolin and Namasia in Kaohsiung City were changed into districts of special municipality, the indigenous people therefore fought against the policy which brought no autonomous status. As the result of indigenous legislators’ struggle for autonomy of indigenous districts, these five regions have been converted from mountain indigenous townships were shall have autonomous status. The Local Government Amendment Act were amended and promogated on 14 January 2014, and forced by the president on 29 January 2014. Furthermore, on 29 November 2014, the mountain indigenous districts held the first election of the first batch of councilors and chief administrators. This study sets timing range from when these five indigenous townships transformed into municipal districts to when they attained autonomy due to law amendment. By collecting materials concerning the process of policy change as well as conducting qualitative interviews with legislators and executive authorities to obtain multidimensional information, this study analyses and constructs a full outlook of the individual case. This study is based on “environment and discipline dimension”, “policy network and interaction” and “policy’s character and attribute” as the structure of research. By ways of observing the function and influence of policy window and of regrouping secondary data and interview records systematically, this study brings forward research results, practical recommendations and suggestions for follow-up study. As for practical recommendations, first, this study addresses the reason, process and key factors for the individual case succeeding in policy change in hope of propelling policy change for similar cases in the future. Secondly, this study expects concerned ministry or commission in the central government to complete the follow-up amendments systemically as soon as possible; also they should assist indigenous regions in enhancing the ability of self-financing. Third, the conversation carried by the central with the local should be more sufficient and it should assist the local in correcting undesirable customs resulted from elections. Moreover, the scope, position and manner of indigenous people’s autonomy in Taiwan should be clarified. Lastly, this study suggests that policy evaluation should be implemented according to index when it comes to major policy change. In addition, for follow-up research, this study advises further research and discussion targeting at topics such as legislator’s lawmaking, the bottom line of protecting minor groups, and party’s influence on indigenous regions’ management.

O objetivo central deste artigo é verificar em que medida as estratégias de autonomia regional e de compartilhamento do desenvolvimento, empreendidas pelos governos Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003 a 2014), expressaram a intenção de constituir uma hegemonia política brasileira sobre a América do Sul. O esforço de construção de um espaço de liderança hegemônica do Brasil no continente se assentou na ideia da legitimação pelo consentimento dos demais Estados sobre esta liderança regional. Esta política estava amparada em um bloco de forças, reunindo a burguesia interna e setores da classe trabalhadora, interessada na ampliação do mercado consumidor e produtor, como um mecanismo da ampliação da economia brasileira. O contexto internacional de crítica à liderança unipolar dos Estados Unidos da América, os índices de crescimento econômico do Brasil e o forte ativismo político internacional do governo brasileiro contribuíram para criar as condições para essa pretensão de liderança hegemônica do país. A análise tem por método a aplicação do conceito de hegemonia política construído por Antonio Gramsci, tendo sido realizado uma revisão da literatura e dos documentos oficiais brasileiros. / The objective of this study is to verify to what extent the strategies for regional autonomy and shared development employed by Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff’s administration periods (2003-2014) expressed the intent of creating a Brazilian political hegemony over South America. The effort to build a space for Brazil’s hegemonic leadership in the continent was based on the idea of a legitimacy afforded by the consent of the other countries in what regards this regional leadership. This policy was supported by a bloc of forces that brought together Brazil’s internal bourgeoisie and sectors of the working class, both interested in the expansion of the consumer and producer markets as a means to expand the Brazilian economy. The international context, which criticized the unipolar leadership enforced by the United Stated, the indexes of Brazil’s economic growth and the strong international political activism put forth by the Brazilian government contributed to create the conditions necessary for Brazil’s pretension of hegemonic leadership. The analysis has by method the application of the concept of political hegemony constructed by Antonio Gramsci, having been realized a review of de literature and the official brazilian documents.

O objetivo central deste artigo é verificar em que medida as estratégias de autonomia regional e de compartilhamento do desenvolvimento, empreendidas pelos governos Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003 a 2014), expressaram a intenção de constituir uma hegemonia política brasileira sobre a América do Sul. O esforço de construção de um espaço de liderança hegemônica do Brasil no continente se assentou na ideia da legitimação pelo consentimento dos demais Estados sobre esta liderança regional. Esta política estava amparada em um bloco de forças, reunindo a burguesia interna e setores da classe trabalhadora, interessada na ampliação do mercado consumidor e produtor, como um mecanismo da ampliação da economia brasileira. O contexto internacional de crítica à liderança unipolar dos Estados Unidos da América, os índices de crescimento econômico do Brasil e o forte ativismo político internacional do governo brasileiro contribuíram para criar as condições para essa pretensão de liderança hegemônica do país. A análise tem por método a aplicação do conceito de hegemonia política construído por Antonio Gramsci, tendo sido realizado uma revisão da literatura e dos documentos oficiais brasileiros. / The objective of this study is to verify to what extent the strategies for regional autonomy and shared development employed by Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff’s administration periods (2003-2014) expressed the intent of creating a Brazilian political hegemony over South America. The effort to build a space for Brazil’s hegemonic leadership in the continent was based on the idea of a legitimacy afforded by the consent of the other countries in what regards this regional leadership. This policy was supported by a bloc of forces that brought together Brazil’s internal bourgeoisie and sectors of the working class, both interested in the expansion of the consumer and producer markets as a means to expand the Brazilian economy. The international context, which criticized the unipolar leadership enforced by the United Stated, the indexes of Brazil’s economic growth and the strong international political activism put forth by the Brazilian government contributed to create the conditions necessary for Brazil’s pretension of hegemonic leadership. The analysis has by method the application of the concept of political hegemony constructed by Antonio Gramsci, having been realized a review of de literature and the official brazilian documents.

A divisão de competências entre o governo central e os regionais definida durante a primeira metade do século XIX deixou às províncias a responsabilidade sobre um dos mais importantes itens do serviço público relacionados ao desenvolvimento econômico de um país ou região, a educação básica. Durante o Império Brasileiro, não obstante a centralização da maior parte dos recursos em mãos do governo central, foi possível às províncias manterem seus orçamentos equilibrados e, portanto, a definição sobre como tratariam suas finanças e investimentos em suas regiões. Esta divisão, que deixava a responsabilidade sobre a oferta de educação básica às províncias, foi mantida após a Proclamação da República e a adoção do federalismo no final do século XIX, em um contexto no qual a autonomia das antigas províncias, renomeadas como estados, foi ampliada. Portanto, o desenvolvimento da educação básica e dos itens que a compõe, como oferta de escolas, alcance da escolaridade e da alfabetização, estiveram, entre 1850 e 1930, sob a responsabilidade dos governos regionais e, dessa forma, os resultados que obtiveram vinculados ao modo com que cada uma delas tratou tal item do serviço público. Mesmo que, no plano geral, os resultados educacionais no Brasil tenham sido desfavoráveis se comparados ao que outros países alcançaram, é possível identificar diferenças relacionadas ao desenvolvimento da instrução primária que estiveram vinculadas à maneira com que cada região analisada Pernambuco, São Paulo e Rio Grande do Sul trataram e, principalmente, financiaram a educação básica, item reconhecidamente como um dos mais relevantes na formação e desenvolvimento de uma nação. / The division of powers between the central government and regional set during the first half of the nineteenth century has left the provinces responsibility for one of the most important items of public service related to the economic development of a country or region, the basic education. During the Brazilian Empire, despite the centralization of most resources in the hands of the central government, provinces was possible to keep their budgets balanced and therefore the definition on how they would treat their finances and investments they made in their regions. This division, which left the responsibility for the provision of basic education to the provinces, was retained after the Proclamation of the Republic and the adoption of federalism in the late nineteenth century, in a context in which the autonomy of the former provinces, renamed as states, was extended. Therefore, the development of basic education and the items that comprise an offering of schools, access to schooling and literacy, were between 1850 and 1930 under the responsibility of regional governments and thus the results obtained related to so that each item was treated as public service. Even though, in general terms, educational outcomes in Brazil have been unfavorable compared to what other countries have achieved, it is possible to identify related to the development of primary education differences were linked to the way that each region analyzed - Pernambuco, São Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul - treated and mainly financed basic education, admittedly item as one of the most important in the formation and development of a nation.