This thesis offers a comparative historical analysis of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica. It focuses specifically on the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) and the Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale Corsu (FLNC), in 1963 to 1971 and 1976 to 1990, respectively. The thesis argues that the FLQ and the FLNC sought to extend radical ideological space to promote independence in order to achieve revolutionary social and economic change through campaigns of violence and kidnappings. Theoretically, the thesis draws on the contentious politics and social movements literatures, which it notably combines with Radical Flank Effect (RFE). RFEs are interactive processes that aim to map the beneficial and/or detrimental impact of radical group action on moderate groups. Whilst commonly used to understand the political outcomes of social movements, RFE is used in this thesis in conjunction with social movement literature to compare the relationship between these violent movements and their more moderate opponents. To understand the internal dynamics of these movements, I have identified four key elements of contrast: membership, ideology, network structure and strategy. I draw on, for example, McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's (2001) mobilization method, which aids an understanding of membership and ideology by framing the interaction amongst challengers, their opponents and the media. This thesis seeks to understand FLQ and FLNC mobilization in light of the aim to shape and develop radical ideological space in the sub-states of Quebec and Corsica. It draws on an extensive study of archival data that includes police reports that have only recently been made available in Canada, transcripts of court cases, newspapers, and an interview with a former member of the FLNC, as well as secondary sources. The central orienting question is: what explains the contrasting patterns of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica? More specifically, why did the FLQ dissolve in 1971, yet the FLNC continued its violent trajectory, albeit less political and nationalist, until 2014? The FLQ and the FLNC differently subscribed to Marxism and postcolonialism. The FLQ was committed to a Marxist program of revolutionary change, and this commitment was shared by the FLNC until the collapse of communism in central and Eastern Europe in 1989. FLQ members considered themselves 'urban revolutionaries' and employed Marxism to understand the economic disparity in industrial Montreal. Early Corsican violent contention, in contrast, included Maoist influences, in particular, through their demand for agrarian reform. The two groups viewed the relationship between their sub-states (Quebec and Corsica) and central states (Canada and France) through a colonial lens, and understood their mobilization against these states and elite minorities (the Anglophone elite in Quebec and the pieds noirs in Corsica) in this light. Both violent movements targeted this colonial relationship. Both the FLQ and FLNC manifestos were economically and politically focused, land and culture were additionally highlighted by the FLNC. This thesis found that sub-state violent contention in the very different contexts of Quebec and Corsica shared an overall pattern, an arc of violent mobilization. The initial mobilization developed from a frustration with moderate political groups; radicalization grew and new tactics were embraced; until turning points that included the assassination of Pierre Laporte by the FLQ and the division of the FLNC into competitive factions, and then a decline of activity, mobilization and recruitment. Although the FLQ and the FLNC contrasted greatly in terms of membership, ideology, organization and strategy, both groups attempted to extend radical space through the use of violent contention in these two very different nations. Ultimately, however, while the FLQ and the FLNC were able to extend or maintain radical space at times, yet they failed to sustain the extension of ideological radical space on the basis on their revolutionary manifestos.

"This book presents profiles of sixteen individuals born and raised in countries other than America who voluntarily joined the revolutionary cause. Each profile discusses personal experiences that influenced the volunteer leader's decision to fight for the fledgling country, the sacrifices endured for the benefit of the Revolutionary Cause, and the unique talents each contributed to the war effort." --OCLC WorldCat Contents: Global citizen "adopts" America: zealous Philip Mazzei -- Farmer of thoughts: Thomas Paine -- Haym Salomon: financial hero -- Frontier savior: patriot Francis Salvador -- "I serve the country for nothing": the indestructible John Barry, father of the American navy -- Dunkirk pirate: the exploits of Gustavus Conyngham -- Going in harm's way: the adventures of John Paul Jones -- The versatile, yet forgotten, George Farragut -- Charting his own course: the life of Pierce Butler -- Thaddeus Kościuszko: prince of tolerance -- The daring and dastardly Charles Armand -- Hungarian Hussar Michael Kovats -- Sacrifical warrior Baron Johann de Kalb -- Thunderbolt of war: Count Casimir Pulaski -- Washington's one-man army: Peter Francisco -- The revolutionary pedagogy of drillmaster Baron Friedrich Wiilhelm von Steuben. / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1043/thumbnail.jpg

While women are often excluded and/or portrayed as victims in the historical scholarship on war, this research builds on recent scholarship that shows women as active agents in warfare. I focus on Yugoslavia’s WWII Partizankas, female soldiers and activists, who held visible positions in the war effort, public consciousness and, later memory. Using gender as a category of analysis, my thesis explores Partizankas’ legacy and their contributions in the National Liberation Movement (NLM) in WWII (1941- 1945) and post-war nation building. I argue that the organizational framework of the Anti-Fascist Women’s Front (AWF) under the guidance of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) emphasized women’s ethnic/religious identities along with distinct social standings and geographic locations to motivate them to fight for the common cause and subsequently forge a shared South Slavic identity. This emphasis on ethnic/regional/class differences paradoxically led to the creation of a common Yugoslav national identity. Women’s involvement, therefore, becomes central to the nationbuilding in the post-war period while establishing the legacy for future feminists. I characterize NLM as a Marxist guerrilla movement with the intent to contextualize the organizational tactics and ideological efforts of CPY and showcase the commonalities and differences the Yugoslav resistance movement had vis-à-vis other revolutionary movements that actively recruited women. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the representations of Partizankas in popular culture and official rhetoric from WWII to the demise of Yugoslavia in 1991 in order explore the fluidity of gender roles and their perceptions. This research is meaningful because NLM, as an organized Marxist guerrilla movement, stands out in its size, success and legacy. The Yugoslav experience broadens the understanding of why women go to war, how gender norms shift during and after the conflict, and how female soldiers are remembered.

Le PCN fondé en 1949 est particulièrement révélateur des échanges constants entre le Népal et le monde extérieur. La formation des premiers idéologues du PCN au sein du PCI aussi bien que l'insurrection de Jhapa née en 1971 de la révolution de Naxalbari montrent ainsi l'influence du communisme indien sur son équivalent népalais. Au-delà de son voisin indien, le PCN fut également perméable aux changements qui affectèrent le mouvement communiste international. Si nombre des scissions du PCN furent le fruit de batailles internes, d'autres naquirent des luttes auxquelles se livrèrent les grands blocs socialistes. À mesure que les relations sino-soviétiques se détériorèrent, le mouvement communiste népalais se divisa entre les partisans de Moscou et de Beijing. La rupture qui se fit lors du troisième congrès du PCN en 1962 entre les prosoviétiques et les prochinois en fournit l'un des nombreux témoignages. Le mouvement maoïste népalais fut donc largement influencé par le communisme régional et international. Mais à partir du milieu des années 1980, il cessa d'être un spectateur passif pour devenir un acteur à part entière de l'internationale révolutionnaire. Par sa participation au congrès fondateur du RIM en 1984, Mohan Bikram Singh et son PCN(Masal) fit entrer le maoïsme népalais dans une nouvelle dimension. Le PCN(M) sut emprunter le chemin ouvert par MB Singh en poursuivant les échanges avec l'internationale maoïste. La guerre populaire prolongée déclenchée en février 1996 lui permit d'acquérir ses lettres de noblesse auprès de l'ensemble des révolutionnaires du monde entier pour en devenir le nouveau porte-drapeau, succédant au Sentier lumineux péruvien. / The CPN, founded in 1949, illustrates perfectly the bonds that tie Nepal to the outside World. The fact that its founders were at first members of the CPI or that the Jhapa Uprising was greatly inspired by the revolution in Naxalbary is one of the many signs of the influence of the Comrnunist Movement in India over its Nepalese counterpart. The CPN was also shaped by the many changes that affected the international communist movement. Though many splits of the CPN were due to interna! disputes, others (such as the split during the Third Congress of the CPN in 1962) were the direct consequence of disagreements within the Socialist bloc. The Nepalese Maoist movement was thus largely influenced by the regional and international cornmunist movement. In the beginning of the l 980's, the Maoists of Nepal ceased to be mere spectators to become full active members of the international revolutionary movement. By participating in the founding congress of the RIM in 1984, Mohan Bikram Singh and his CPN(Masal) gave the Nepalese Maoist movement a whole new dimension. The CPN(M) followed the footsteps of the CPN(Masal) and brought its relationship with the Maoists abroad to new heights. The Protracted People's War started in February 1996 by the CPN(M) enabled it to achieve recognition by its counterparts throughout the World and to become the new voice of the Maoist international revolution.

<p>One of the focuses of John Howard Yoder's theology is Christian nonviolence. From the teaching and example of Jesus, who dealt with the evil in the world and defeated it through obedience to the will of God to the point of dying on the cross, Yoder derives the normative Christian stance of nonviolence. It is expressed in the life of the disciples in their suffering with Christ the hostility of the world as bearers of the kingdom cause and in their living out the suffering servanthood in place of dominion. For Yoder, subordination is how Christ's model of servanthood is carried out into the concreteness of family life, and it is most extensively explored in his essay, "Revolutionary Subordination," in The Politics of Jesus.</p><p>This dissertation is an attempt to read household codes in the New Testament, especially Col. 3:18-4:1, together with Yoder, with a special emphasis on the husband/wife relation. Due to an exceptionally controversial character of Yoder's essay, it seeks to understand his main points, while identifying the elements that have caused strong opposition. The fact that these Haustafel texts have been historically abused to legitimate oppression and exploitation of persons poses a warning in one's endeavor to interpret them. Particularly telling is Americans' experience around slavery during and after the Civil War. The conflicting interpretations of the Bible between the proslavery camp and the abolitionists leave us in a hard place in addressing the issue of women's status in the household and in society.</p><p>Through examining key debates on the Haustafeln in the biblical scholarship focused on James Crouch and David Balch; two alternative views on the subject in theological ethics - Yoder and Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza - and further discussions of their views aided by theologians such as Gordon Kaufman, Alasdair MacIntyre, and Jeffrey Stout, this study addresses issues found in Yoder and Schüssler Fiorenza. It concludes that Yoder's undue reliance on David Schroeder and his refutation of Martin Dibelius have led him to overlook the preexisting schema that was adopted and Christianized by the early church, and that he fails to name patriarchy a sin. Schüssler Fiorenza's problems are found in the areas of the biblical canon, tradition and democracy. The relevance of the slavery debates to this study is revisited through discussions of Mark Knoll and Dale Martin, and Yoder's nonviolent kingdom ethic is compared to Paul Ramsey's just war theory and backed up by Rowan Williams, Bernd Wannenwetsch, and Sarah Coakley.</p> / Dissertation

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The choice of content and number of technologies that audiences view television with are increasingly expanding in the post-network era, leading those who use the medium to question its definition. In the wake of the Internet, online programming and streaming technologies, the death of television is frequently forecast.  Netflix’s 2013 release of their original online production House of Cards prompted popular media and trade journals alike to declare a revolution of television that would result in a paradigm shift of current production and viewing practices. House of Cards is esteemed for its distribution method and asserted advantages over traditional television by creators and executives surrounding the show, which calls for an examination of the specific practices that are dubbed ‘innovative’, as current television production practices have been put in place for years. The aim of this thesis is to shed light on the claims surrounding the series through production and textual analysis. Second-hand sources are used to gather evidentiary claims surrounding the production, and analyzed using historical poetics analysis with Jason Mittell’s complex television definitions in order to make comparisons of particular elements of the creation, production and distribution of House of Cards. Making these areas its starting point, this inquiry provokes larger questions of the future of online television programming in general, and its role in the death of television in particular.

L'art et l'idéologie sont étroitement liés par leur fonction de représentation du réel. Les années 1960 et 1970 sont celles des grandes espérances révolutionnaires marxistes. Notre étude prend pour objet les artistes et la création artistique en Europe de l'Ouest. Au croisement des événements politiques et de la pensée des intellectuels, les artistes questionnent la pertinence et l'adéquation des formes artistiques à la perspective révolutionnaire. Le terrorisme, la guerre du Vietnam, la Guerre Froide, sont envisagés dans les rapports de pouvoirs politiques qu'ils instaurent. La question sexuelle est reliée à la transgression morale et politique. Les artistes interrogent la possibilité d'une intervention plus directement sociale et politique. / Art and ideology are closely related in their function of representation of reality. The 1960s and 1970s are those of major marxist revolutionary hopes. Our study focuses on artists and artistic creation in Western Europe. At the intersection of political events and thinking of intellectuals, artists question the relevance and adequacy of artistic forms to the revolutionary perspective. Terrorism, the Vietnam war, the cold war, are considered in the reports of political power they establish. Sexual issue is related to the moral and political transgression. The artists question the possibility of a more direct social and political intervention.

BRAGA, Francisco Vitor Pereira. Pedro Augusto Motta: Militância Libertária e Verbo de Fogo. 2013. 300f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:57:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-03-18T14:58:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-03-18T14:58:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-FVPBRAGA.pdf: 6238537 bytes, checksum: 69b79c43a665459dc671495930e5dd95 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / The present research covers the militant trajectory of the anarchist Pedro Augusto Motta, whose life is marked by significant sociopolitical acting in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. On studying the dimensions of his militant life, it is discussed the labor movement, the anarchism and its militancy articulately, particularly in the cities Fortaleza and São Paulo. Analyzing the trajectory of such a character and his dialogue with the militant experiences in his time, within the ambit of the anarchist practices and sociabilities over a span between 1894 and 1927, this work discusses the circulation of new ideas which situated the typographer Pedro Augusto Motta in relation to a generation of young militant and workers of various crafts, in Fortaleza, as well as his adherence to resistance syndicalism, militant writing on anarchist press and anarchist and revolutionary syndicalism propaganda. It also highlights his militancy in São Paulo, where he became member of Centro Libertário Terra Livre and part of the editor group of A Plebe newspaper. Considering the context of intense repression in the early twenties, the study also deals with the prison and deportation of Pedro Augusto Motta to a concentration camp in Clevelândia do Norte, Oyapoque, Amazon forest. / O presente estudo se debruça sobre a trajetória militante do anarquista Pedro Augusto Motta, cuja vida é marcada por significativa atuação sociopolítica no Brasil das primeiras décadas do século XX. Ao estudar as dimensões de sua vida militante, discute-se, de forma articulada, o movimento operário, o anarquismo e a militância libertária, particularmente nas cidades de Fortaleza e São Paulo. Analisando a trajetória do personagem em diálogo com as experiências militantes de seu tempo, no âmbito das práticas e sociabilidades anarquistas, em um período compreendido entre o ano de 1894 e 1927, o trabalho discute a circulação das ideias novas, situando o tipógrafo Pedro Augusto Motta em relação a uma geração de jovens militantes e trabalhadores de ofícios vários, em Fortaleza, bem como, sua adesão ao sindicalismo de resistência, a escrita militante na imprensa libertária e a propaganda do anarquismo e do sindicalismo revolucionário. Em destaque, a militância do libertário cearense em São Paulo, onde se torna membro do grupo editor d’A Plebe e do Centro Libertário Terra Livre. O estudo aborda também, no contexto de intensa repressão dos inícios dos anos 1920, a prisão e o desterro de Pedro Augusto Motta no campo de concentração da Clevelândia do Norte, no Oiapoque.