Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Os cinemanovistas produziram narrativas audiovisuais sobre a teoria e a aÃÃo revolucionÃria, em concomitÃncia com as narrativas escritas no seio da militÃncia e da intelectualidade, consagrando-se, assim, como alguns dos principais formuladores da ideologia da revoluÃÃo brasileira. Com base nessa premissa, analisa-se como o filme "Terra em transe" (1967) problematiza o ideÃrio revolucionÃrio hegemÃnico em trÃs contextos distintos, separados pelo golpe civil-militar de 1964 e o AI-5: o primeiro marcado pela defesa de uma ârevoluÃÃo democrÃtico-burguesa de conteÃdo antifeudal e anti-imperialistaâ, levada a efeito pela alianÃa entre burguesia nacional, PCB, operÃrios e camponeses contra os latifundiÃrios e as multinacionais, inspirada nos postulados da III Internacional (1919), difundidos no Brasil pelo PCB; o segundo celebrado pela relativa superaÃÃo do etapismo revolucionÃrio e a aÃÃo armada de grupos guerrilheiros influenciados pelo foquismo cubano e o maoÃsmo, e cujos princÃpios remontam Ãs recomendaÃÃes da IV Internacional (1938) acerca do carÃter desigual e combinado do capitalismo e da ârevoluÃÃo permanenteâ; o terceiro fundado na modernizaÃÃo conservadora engendrada pelos militares, sob as diretrizes da doutrina de seguranÃa nacional, com ressonÃncias sebastianistas e contrarreformistas. Outrossim, crÃ-se que, transpondo os fundamentos e estratÃgias revolucionÃrias no contexto brasileiro, a pelÃcula de Glauber Rocha enseja a problematizaÃÃo da prÃpria mentalidade revolucionÃria, entendida por Leszek Kolakowski como a crenÃa na redenÃÃo integral do homem, mediante a negaÃÃo absoluta do mundo existente, no fim do qual se subordinariam todos os outros valores, transmutados, por conseguinte, em meios. / Brazilian Cinema Novo producers designed audiovisual narratives on revolutionary theory and action at the same time as narratives were written within the pale of militancy and intellectuality, therefore being consecrated as some of the chief designers of Brazilian revolution ideology. Based on such premise, this study analyzes how the movie Entranced earth (1967) renders hegemonic revolutionary ideas problematic, within three distinct contexts, disconnected by both 1964 military blow and AI-5: the primer, marked by the defense for âan anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democratic-bourgeois revolutionâ, accomplished by the engagement between national bourgeoisie, PCB, workers and peasants against landowners and multinational companies, inspired by the III Internationalâs (1919) postulates, distributed in Brazil by PCB; the second, celebrated by the relative overcoming of revolutionary stagism and armed actions of guerrilla influenced by Cuban foquist approach and the Maoism, and whose principles retake the IV Internationalâs (1938) recommendations on uneven and combined nature of capitalism and the âpermanent revolutionâ; the latter, embedded on the conservative modernization that militaries triggered, under the guidelines from National Security Doctrine, with Sebastianist and counter-reformer resonances. Moreover, the study shows that over revolutionary grounds and strategies in Brazilian setting, Glauber Rochaâs film brings into light the problem of the very revolutionary mentality, that Leszlek Kolakowski points as the belief in the entire manâs redemption through his absolute denial of the existing world, in the end of which would be subordinated all the other values, transformed hence in means.

This project asserts that revolution is characterised by the expression of unthinkable possibilities, and so addresses the paradox implicit in any attempt to "write revolution." That is, how does one represent revolution without reducing it to an ordered term of reference, and thereby subduing its radical character? Additionally, can transformative action be conceptualised as a creative project to which an ethical subject may, and in fact should, be drawn? To answer these questions, my investigation develops in three strands. I combine the radical theory of Alain Badiou with similar affirmations of revolutionary intervention from Slavoj Žižek and Paulo Freire, and so create an aesthetic that affirms revolutionaries as agents of supplementary creativity. My first purpose is thus to establish revolution as a productive enterprise that enables peace, rather than a destructive undertaking that introduces violence. This done, I apply the resultant conceptual tools to literary representations of radical transformation, and demonstrate that my aesthetic enables new readings of the literature of revolution to which it is applied. In the course of my analysis, I also evaluate the suitability of Badiou's ethic as a standpoint from which to engage with literature on revolution. Ultimately, then, the aesthetic I construct not only contests the notion that radical transformation is always destructive, but also renders one sensitive to revolutionary literature's excessive and supplementary dimensions.

Representing revolutionary terrorists as heroes and martyrs was a typical feature of the mythology of the Russian revolutionary underground at the beginning of the 20th century. This mythology described Underground Russia, the world of the revolutionaries, as an ideal country inhabited by ideal people. The purpose of that epos was to represent the revolutionary struggle, and individual revolutionaries in such a way that they would gain sympathy from the wider public and become role models for other revolutionary fighters. Sympathetic representations of women who committed political violence seem to be especially shocking in the context of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, since female violent behavior contradicted the existing gender order. Employing theoretical perspectives of Critical Discourse Analysis, gender history and intersectionality, the dissertation analyzes the way narratives about the individual life paths of female terrorists of the Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (the PSR), the biggest socialist party in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, were constructed in their revolutionary auto/biographies. It analyzes how the lives of women from different social and ethnic origins, of different ages, with different life paths, who happened to be united only by their participation in the political terrorism of the PSR, were recounted with the help of narratives used in the Russian revolutionary underground. The research findings demonstrate that the accounts of the lives of female PSR terrorists were constructed with the help of the dominant narrative that was formed as a conversion story. Within the framework of that narrative, the lives of individual women were adapted to the dominant discourse of heroism and martyrdom, and at the same time were contextualized within the dominant discourse on “good” femininity that existed in the Russian society, and even within the discourse on Jews as perpetual “Others” in the Russian empire in case of Jewish women. Social and ethnic backgrounds as well as individual circumstances of the terrorist women, however, transformed the dominant narrative, and thus created diversity of representations. The discursive practice of writing a revolutionary life accepted by Bolsheviks influenced the discursive practice employed in revolutionary auto/biographies of female terrorists written during the early Soviet period.

This research explores Palestinian refugee women’s political rights through a broader examination of the gender dynamics in one refugee camp in Lebanon. Using two focus groups and individual interviews with 20 women, the research highlights the patriarchal and colonial structures that dominate the women’s lives, preventing them not only from engaging in political activities, but also hindering their opportunities for work and socialization outside their immediate familial spheres. The political disillusionment within the researched and broader Palestinian community, as a result of the encroaching project of Empire as defined by Hardt and Negri, has created a divided Palestinian cause, a failed youth, and a society attempting to hold on to its identity. However, along with that comes the oppression of a sub-section of that society – the women; the remaining possession that the men have. Women who previously engaged in armed resistance have not advanced politically, socially, or economically – and in fact the history of their struggles are being erased as surely as their land is. Nonetheless, pockets of resistance – a Multitude – of women, agents in their own fates, are fighting the current towards a more emancipatory future for themselves and future Palestinian men and women.

The paper's objective is to analyze the work of the Revolutionary Union Organization (ROH) in the Czechoslovak economy of the 1980s. The basic thesis of the paper is the assumption that ROH bodies preferred the interests of the representatives of the Czechoslovak Communist Party to those of workers. The relationship is analyzed on the basis of the employment legislation of the time and the impact of the union organization in its drafting. The paper also examines the contribution of the union organization in the course of the revolutionary changes in Czechoslovak society in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The analysis is based on a critique of sources from that era and a comparison of the role of the ROH in the 1980s and the role of the unions during Prague Spring. On the basis of the objectives set for this paper, the conclusion is that the ROH did have an impact on the work lives of working people, but its leadership lacked funds and, above all, the willingness to effectively protect the interests of working people. Hence, until December 1989, the ROH remained an organization serving, above all, the interests of the Communist Party.

The topic of this thesis is on political instability and revolutionary war in the countries that were involved with the Arab Spring. As created by James. C Davies (1962), the J-curve hypothesis serves as the foundational theoretical framework, where revolutions are ignited after prolonged improvements in political and economic living conditions which become interrupted by a sharp reversal. Panel data with variables that measure quantitative factors are analysed by using ordinary least squares (OLS) regression and logistic regression, to statistically test which factors have created political instability and ignited revolutionary war in the Arab Spring. The results of the statistical analysis indicate that political factors, rather than economic factors, such as political terror against the population and government corruption are the most relevant in explaining political instability and revolutionary war in the Arab Spring and the developments that followed.

Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse des problématiques narratologiques et stylistiques dans les écrits parus à la fin du soulèvement populaire survenu en Égypte en 2011. Elle entrecroise deux axes, l’un notionnel et l’autre analytique. D’une part, elle aborde la question du genre littéraire, de l’espace, de la temporalité et de la langue d’écriture. D’autre part, on se propose de comparer cinq textes, qu’on envisagera dans leur double appartenance littéraire et thématique : Ayyām al-Taḥrīr (2011), Cairo : my city, our revolution (2012), al-Ṯawra 2.0 (2012), Aǧniḥat al-farāša (2011) et Sabʿat ayyām fī al-Taḥrīr (2011). Nous examinerons ces œuvres dans le cadre de ce que les critiques ont désigné sous le nom d’adab al-ṯawra ou d’adabiyyāt al-ṯawra – « littérature(s) de la révolution » – et tenterons d’identifier les caractéristiques et les particularités de cette très jeune production. L’enjeu est d’étudier comment les écrivains égyptiens contemporains produisent des narrations à travers lesquelles se déploie un processus d’émerveillement, de reconfiguration et de modification de la représentation du citoyen, notamment celle des jeunes. / This research focuses on narratological and stylistic issues in the writings that appeared at the end of the popular uprising in Egypt in 2011. It combines two axes, one notional and the other analytical. On the one hand, it deals with questions of literary genre, space, temporality and language of writing. On the other hand, it offers to compare five texts which will be examined at the literary as well as at the thematic level : Ayyām al-Taḥrīr (2011), Cairo: my city, our revolution (2012), al-Ṯawra 2.0 (2012), Aǧniḥat al-farāša and Sabʿat ayyām fī al-Taḥrīr (2011). These works are considered within the framework of what critics have called adab al-ṯawra or adabiyyāt al-ṯawra--"literature(s) of the revolution". I try to highlight the characteristics and peculiarities of this very young production. The challenge here is to study how contemporary Egyptian writers have produced narratives which reveal a process of wonderment, reconfiguration and transformation of the representation of the citizen, especially that of young people.

Guerilla Warfare is a weapon of the weak; it is decisive only where the actor in power fails to commit adequate resources to the conflict. The Chinese and Cuban revolutions are examples of guerilla warfare success, albeit under different conditions and employment techniques; while Mao Tse-tung utilized decentralized guerilla warfare to indoctrinate and mobilize the masses of peasants for revolutionary struggle against a stronger enemy; Fidel Castro employed a more centralized approach to create the conditions necessary for popular support of the revolution. However, in both cases guerilla warfare was simply part of a pragmatic grand strategy to build nationalism across all classes of society. It is well known that revolutionary movements do not succeed where only one class of society is mobilized. As a result, both Mao and Castro designed dual strategies: an internal component focused on the peasant base; and an external component focused on a nationalistic appeal to all classes of society. In a revolutionary setting, the strong force of nationalism can cut across all segments of the population and strongly enable popular support for the insurgents. Both revolutionary leaders skillfully managed the contradictions associated with their respective dual strategies - a difficult task indeed since the dual strategy is one of deception. This thesis will prove that through such a plan of action, Mao and Castro integrated efforts such as leadership and ideology, with the key ingredient of guerilla warfare, to create the conditions for the control of resources necessary to achieve ultimate victory. Following revolutionary success, the experience of guerilla warfare and the dual strategy - particularly in Cuba - shaped the respective foreign policies within the context of a worldwide struggle against imperialism. Cuba has continued to refine the dual strategy in order to obtain international support and maintain the Castro regime in power. China eventually adopted a dual strategy of a different variety: the separation of economics from communist ideology. Although implementation of the dual strategy continues to the present day, it was the revolutionary process that not only validated the concept, but provided the credibility required to continue its execution.

This dissertation employs a qualitative case study approach to investigate the 2010-2012 Arab Spring. It addresses two research questions: 1) what are the Arab Spring events instances of, and 2) what gave rise to the variation across the Arab Spring outcomes? The ultimate objective of this research is to go beyond theorizing the Arab Spring to advance a typological theory on popular revolution. To that end, the study reviews several bodies of literature in the social sciences, and employs a structured, focused comparison approach to analyze variance across six Arab Spring cases: Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain. As a result, four theoretical types of revolutionary action have been identified: elite-imposed popular evolution (EIPR), foreign-imposed popular revolution (FIPR), foreign-blocked abortive revolution (FBAR), and elite-blocked abortive revolution (EBAR). In addition, the research found EIPR to have been the case in Tunisia and Egypt, FIPR in Libya and Yemen, and FBAR in Syria and Bahrain; EBAR was an empty cell in the Arab Spring. Furthermore, the study proposes that cases of EIPR are likely to culminate in a quasi-coup by autonomous elites; FIPR in a foreign-imposed regime change (FIRC) by international intervention; FBAR in a foreign-imposed regime maintenance (FIRM) by foreign patrons; and EBAR in an elite-imposed regime maintenance (EIRM) by subservient elites. The contingent generalizations offered by this theory should help scholars and policy makers approximate the trajectory of future revolutionary events by tracing them to the above theoretical types. This should help them improve their overall response to recent and ongoing revolutionary events, especially in the area of conflict resolution.