Thesis (Ph.D.)--Michigan State University. Dept. of English, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on July 22, 2009) Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-259). Also issued in print.

Thesis (Master's)--Bilkent University, 2003.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Santa Arias, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Modern Languages and Linguistics. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 177 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Fabrício Bachiega Zambrosi null (fa_zambrosi@ig.com.br) on 2018-01-25T16:26:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao para repositorio.pdf: 1480389 bytes, checksum: 7091d79b3504d077cf6806f90082da31 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-01-26T15:58:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Zambrosi_FB_me_fran.pdf: 1480389 bytes, checksum: 7091d79b3504d077cf6806f90082da31 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-26T15:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zambrosi_FB_me_fran.pdf: 1480389 bytes, checksum: 7091d79b3504d077cf6806f90082da31 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A presente dissertação tem como objeto a trajetória intelectual e revolucionária do trotskista peruano Hugo Blanco, entre 1958 e 1972. As datas mencionadas compreendem o momento em que Blanco deixou a cidade e foi para o campo iniciar seu trabalho revolucionário entre os camponeses e a publicação de sua mais importante obra, o livro Terra ou Morte. Hugo Blanco atuou entre os camponeses do vale da La Convención y Lares, na região de Cuzco, até ser preso em 1963, sendo exilado, posteriormente, no início dos anos 70, por iniciativa do governo militar que tomou o poder no Peru, em 1968. As ações de Blanco integraram um contexto específico do Peru e da América Latina. O primeiro, diz respeito a sua atuação na região serrana, onde predominava uma estrutura agrária com diversas características pré-modernas, que foi mencionada e atacada pela pena e pela espada de Blanco. O segundo, aborda a questão de que a América Latina, desde 1959, estava sendo abalada pelos ecos causados pela Revolução Cubana. Como consequências das possibilidades inauguradas por essa Revolução, especialmente quanto ao seu conteúdo político-militar que o governo cubano e alguns intelectuais fizeram questão de destacar, de consagrar e de irradiar pelo continente, como a adoção da guerra de guerrilhas, as organizações políticas de esquerda do continente também ficaram estimuladas a aplicar em seus países esta luta armada enquanto estratégia. Foi neste contexto, portanto, que a ação e a teoria do projeto revolucionário de Hugo Blanco emergiu. Diante disso, o nosso principal objetivo foi demonstrar que este projeto dialogou o tempo todo com os referidos contextos, mas, principalmente, com as novas ideias e perspectivas abertas pela Revolução Cubana. Contudo sustentamos que Hugo Blanco teve a particularidade de insistir em uma proposta contrária a guerra de guerrilhas, pois, uma vez vinculado ao trotskismo, estruturou seu projeto a partir dos ensinamentos de Leon Trotsky e de sua relação com a IV Internacional e suas seções Latino Americanas, como o SLATO. De todo modo, mais do que tentar refutar a guerra de guerrilhas, Hugo Blanco se colocou como um intelectual disposto a compreender e adaptar o trotskismo às particularidades da realidade rural do Peru. Na ocasião, valeu-se de importantes elementos que compõem a tradição política do país, como o indigenismo e o marxismo. / The present dissertation project was based on the evaluation of the intellectual and revolutionary trajectory of the Peruvian trotskyist Hugo Blanco, between 1958 and 1972. This period corresponded to the moment in which Hugo Blanco moved out from the urban area to the rural area in order to begin his revolutionary movement; at this time, he also published his most important book, Land or Death. Hugo Blanco acted among the peasants from the La Convención and Lares, region of Cuzco, until be arrested in 1963. Then, he was sent to exile by the military government at early 70’s. Hugo Blanco’s actions formed an unique context within Peru and Latin America. The first one concerns his interference in the mountainous area of the country, where there was an agrarian structure having several pre-modern characteristics. This structure received significant emphasis and severe criticism in the texts published by Hugo Blanco. And, the second one deals with the manner by which the Latin America was being influenced by the Cuban Revolution. As an outcome of the several possibilities originated from this revolutionary movement, particularly with regard to its political and military content that were valorized and disseminated across the continent by Cuban government and intellectuals, including the use of guerrilla, the left-political organization of the continent planned also to use such a strategy in their own countries. In this scenario, it was raised the bases of the revolutionary project proposed by Hugo Blanco. Accordingly, we aimed with this research to demonstrate that his project interacts with the mentioned historical context, principally with the new ideas and perspectives offered by the Cuban Revolution. However, the proposal of Hugo Blanco had the peculiarity of offering alternatives in relation to the ideas propagated by the mentioned revolution. This might be associated to the fact that he structured his project based on the lessons learned from Leon Trotsky and his connection with the sections of IV International dedicated to Latin America, such as SLATO. In summary, rather than refute the adoption of guerrilla, Hugo Blanco acted as intellectual proposing a better understanding and utilization of trotskyism in accordance with the peculiarities of the rural area of Peru. In this context, he also used important elements that constituted the political organization of the country, such as the indigenism and marxism. / 161548/2015-6

This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. / Graduate / 2019-08-22

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine if there exists a discrepancy between popular Westernized notions about the role of social media and the notions of those affected by the Green Revolution in Iran in 2009 and assess how this might change the dominant discourse of cyber-utopia. The internet has most certainly transformed our lives in unforeseeable ways having various and unknown shifting effects but the purpose of this research is to view the dominant discourse of liberation in comparison with the perceived meaning and function of the internet and social media within anti-democratic regimes. The awareness of global misconceptions are imperative to move away from the popular norm and scope of research that uses framing tactics of liberation and democratization because the development, adoption and political consequences of any technological tool within any society will always tell a story. The net effect of social media was silenced soon after the Green Revolution and many Iranians are still experiencing the consequences of their actions. The dark side of internet freedom in authoritative governments will assuredly play a role in forming a more comprehensive understanding of the revolutionary narrative that is social media as well as contributing to the overall relationship of how the internet influences the political realm. Iran represents a unique situation to analyze due to its politically closed landscape and historical global misperception about Iranian society and its citizenry. Through the utilization of personal narratives of individual Iranians directly or indirectly involved within the movement and an overview of global trends of suppression of online speech, this research attempts to show that no i universal framework exists when it comes to the discourse about social media because the characteristics of a society will ultimately drive the forces that influence technological manifestation. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S.Tech Technology 2012

Alain Jouffroy (1928-2015) vient à l’écriture poétique en 1948, encouragé par sa rencontre avec André Breton et sa brève appartenance au mouvement surréaliste. Rapidement exclu, il conserve de cette expérience une méfiance à l’égard de tout esprit de chapelle et une confiance inébranlable en la langue et en sa capacité à exprimer les innombrables modalités d’être-au-monde de l’individu libre. Il diversifie rapidement ses pratiques d’écriture et publie recueils de poèmes, romans, essais et de nombreux articles sur les artistes avant-gardistes. Touche-à-touche, Jouffroy traverse les périodes esthétique et politique du milieu intellectuel parisien des années cinquante aux années quatre-vingt-dix. Fondateur de la revue Opus international, directeur de la revue XXe siècle, il est un observateur insatiable des remous de la société française : restructuration à la Libération, espoirs révolutionnaires déçus de Mai 68, marchandisation galopante de la création. Témoin de l’irrésistible ascension de la société du spectacle, il défend des artistes qui peinent à trouver leur place – du moins au début de leur carrière : les Affichistes, les Objecteurs, les Nouveaux réalistes... – et les poètes restés dans l’ombre – Stanislas Rodanski, Jean-Pierre Duprey. Il s’intéresse à tous ceux qui, comme lui, ont fait de la marge leur territoire. Dans le même temps, il échange avec les grandes figures d’Aragon, Michaux et Sollers. Son regard s’aiguise de sa curiosité pour l’ailleurs et de ses nombreux voyages. Il promeut les peintres surréalistes d’Amérique du Sud et d’Europe de l’Est, les poètes de la Beat generation, ceux du Moyen-Orient. Parallèlement, au gré de ses ruptures et réconciliations avec André Breton, il se veut l’héritier de ce dernier et le promoteur d’un surréalisme toujours vivace parce que conçu comme une éthique de la réceptivité. Conseiller culturel de l’ambassade de France à Tokyo entre 1982 et 1985, il parfait sa connaissance du bouddhisme zen et fait l’expérience d’un douloureux déracinement langagier. De retour en France, dans une période de morosité ambiante où les médias clament la mort de la poésie, il réalise de petites sculptures d’objets trouvés qu’il nomme assemblages, collages ou posages – réponse possible au silence qui entoure son œuvre, mal diffusée jusqu’à la parution des anthologies C’est aujourd’hui toujours, C’est partout ici et du recueil Vies, chez Gallimard, à la fin de années quatre-vingt-dix.Son œuvre poétique, loin d’être un lieu de retrait par rapport à une vie culturelle, amicale et sentimentale particulièrement riche et mouvementée, condense son parcours : la vingtaine de recueils publiés entre 1958 et 2007 offre une chambre d’écho à cette traversée du demi-siècle, tout en déclinant les différentes postures et poétiques nées au grés des circonstances et des confrontations renouvelées entre deux complexités, celle de l’individu Alain Jouffroy, et celle du monde. Aussi son écriture poétique chatoie-t-elle des différents courants qui naissent de la question toujours en suspens du rapport entre la conscience écrivante et le texte écrit. L’ensemble de l’œuvre donne à lire une poésie polymorphe : prégnance première de l’image héritée du surréalisme, retour au lyrisme amoureux sous l’influence du matériau biographique, vocifération à la manière des écorchés Beat, détour par l’image cinématographique durant la Nouvelle Vague, évaporation temporaire du sujet sommé de disparaître sous l’ère structuraliste, retour de ce même sujet qui reste, constamment, l’objet du poème. Malgré les variations formelles, les contradictions tonitruantes, le « je » demeure le mobile de l’écriture. ... / Alain Jouffroy (1928-2015) started writing poetry in 1948 when encouraged by his encounter with André Breton and his short-termed adherence to the surrealist movement. As he soon found himself excluded from the latter, he experienced and developed mistrust in cliquishness whatsoever and absolute trust in language and its ability to express the innumerable ways a free man can be in the world. It did not take him long to diversify his writing practice, and so he published collections of poems, essays and many critical articles on avant-gardist artists. Like a Jack-of-all-trades, Jouffroy wrote his way through the aesthetic and political movements of the Parisian intellectual sphere, from the fifties to the nineties. As the founder member of the Opus international journal and the director of the XXe siècle one, he was well positioned to insatiably observe the stir of the French society, that is, the restructuration following the Liberation, the disappointed revolutionary hopes of May 68 and the galloping commodification of artistic creation. Bearing witness to the unstoppable rise of the spectacle society, he supported artists who had difficulties in finding their own places – at least at the beginning of their careers: Poster Artists, Objectors, New Realists… – as well as overshadowed poets such as Stanislas Rodanski and Jean-Pierre Duprey. He was interested in all those who, like himself, had appropriated the margins. At the same time, he would converse with major figures like Aragon, Michaux and Sollers. His curiosity for the elsewhere and his numerous travels made his viewpoint more accurate. He promoted the Surrealist painters from both South America and Eastern Europe, and the Beat poets as well as those from the Middle East. At the same time, depending on either his breaking or being reconciled with André Breton, he claimed to be the heir of the latter or the champion of a Surrealism that was still alive and kicking thanks to its been thought of as an ethics of receptivity. When he was the cultural counsellor for the French Embassy in Tokyo, from 1982 to 1985, he perfected his knowledge of Zen Buddhism and experienced a painful linguistic estrangement. Back to France in a grim climate when the media claimed the death of poetry, he made small-sized sculptures from objects he had come across with, which he termed ‘assemblages,’ ‘collages’ or ‘posages’ – a way to possibly answer the silence that surrounded his own artistic creation, badly circulated until the publication of the anthologies entitled C’est aujourd’hui toujours and C’est partout ici, and his collection of poems Vies in the late nineties. His poetic work, far from being a place of withdrawal from his cultural, social and sentimental life, particularly rich and eventful, condenses his trajectory: the twenty or so collections published between 1958 and 2007 offer an echo chamber to his crossing of the half-century, while presenting the variegated positions and poetics born from circumstances and renewed confrontations between two complex entities, that of Alain Jouffroy the man and that of the world around him. This is why his poetic writing reflects all the different currents and trends emerging from the still-unresolved question of the relation between the writing consciousness and the written text. All his work presents us with polymorphous poetry, that is, at the same time including the original pervasiveness of pictures inherited from Surrealism, the return to love lyricism under the influence of biographical material, the angry voices inspired from the tormented Beat souls, the detour via the screen picture in the New Wave period, the temporary vanishing of the subject required to disappear in the Structuralist era and the return of this same subject continuously remaining the object of poems. In spite of formal variations and thundering contradictions, the “I” does remain the motive of writing. . ...

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Essa dissertaÃÃo procura investigar a relaÃÃo entre trabalho, prÃxis e escola como elementos de uma formaÃÃo revolucionÃria, objetivando analisar as trÃs categorias citadas no contexto da UniÃo SoviÃtica. Analisa o debate educacional entre os educadores soviÃticos na medida em que permite perscrutar o papel da educaÃÃo na transiÃÃo socialista em que se destacam os temas da RevoluÃÃo Cultural, da influÃncia da pedagogia burguesa, da politecnia, da instruÃÃo profissional, da contribuiÃÃo da escola para o avanÃo da revoluÃÃo e do carÃter educativo da prÃxis revolucionÃria. O percurso da anÃlise se inicia pelas contribuiÃÃes de Marx e Engels para a educaÃÃo justamente porque esses autores oferecem suporte teÃrico para o tratamento das categorias trabalho-educaÃÃo, politecnia, onilateralidade, prÃxis, bem como sÃo as principais referÃncias dos educadores soviÃticos. Posteriormente, dentro do recorte temporal estabelecido entre 1917 e 1931, analisa-se o contexto da RevoluÃÃo Russa, identificando, nos seus principais aspectos, elementos de um processo educativo. Em seguida, analisam-se as principais questÃes do debate soviÃtico da educaÃÃo como a incorporaÃÃo de elementos da pedagogia escolanovista; o modo da apropriaÃÃo e aplicaÃÃo das noÃÃes marxistas da uniÃo trabalho e ensino, da politecnia; problemas teÃricos e prÃticos da definiÃÃo do trabalho como princÃpio educativo; a prevalÃncia da escola sobre outras prÃxis formadoras para a construÃÃo da sociedade revolucionÃria. Defende-se a ideia de que a prÃxis, o trabalho e a escola estiveram presentes de maneira programÃtica atà a implantaÃÃo da NEP, apÃs a qual houve a centralizaÃÃo da escola nos processos educativos, ganhando relevÃncia à instruÃÃo profissional, voltada para a formaÃÃo de mÃo de obra para as fÃbricas, enquanto a formaÃÃo politÃcnica e dos espaÃos organizativos da classe trabalhadora foram relegadas. Esta pesquisa conclui que a educaÃÃo soviÃtica, para seguir consistentemente no processo de construÃÃo do socialismo, deveria ter abarcado nÃo somente a formaÃÃo pelo trabalho, mas tambÃm considerado o princÃpio educativo da prÃxis, visando atender tanto a necessidade do desenvolvimento das forÃas produtivas, como a formar a consciÃncia revolucionÃria, e assim, construir os pilares da revoluÃÃo cultural.