This thesis delves into the role of women in the Zapatista movement and how that role has changed over time in the private, public and political spheres. It also draws parallels between the struggle for female liberation within Zapatismo and the struggles of working-class, women of color movements in the United States. Chapters are focused on topics including women's involvement in the San Andrés Accords, the Women's Revolutionary Law, the Other Campaign and Marichuy's electoral campaign as well as personal observations from time spent in Oventik, a Zapatista caracol. As complement to the text, the thesis includes a visual zine.

Cette thèse initiée en octobre 2013 s’attache à comprendre en quoi les événements politiques survenus en Égypte entre 2011 et 2016 ont pu peser sur les trajectoires individuelles et les registres de l'action collective des Égyptiens installés en France. À partir d'une sociologie des migrations égyptiennes en France, ce travail ambitionne plus largement de comprendre comment un événement peut influencer les trajectoires individuelles de ceux qui n'en sont pas directement témoins. Inscrit à la croisée d'une sociologie des migrations et d'une sociologie de l'action collective, ce travail interroge le poids et les rôles des mobilisations à distance. L'enquête de terrain multisituée (durant laquelle des entretiens et des observations ont été menés dans les villes de Paris, de Marseille, mais aussi dans plusieurs localités égyptiennes), inscrit ce travail dans la lignée des travaux portant sur les formes de politisation par l'événement et contribue aux études sur la participation politique à distance. / Initiated in October 2013, this thesis aims at understanding how the 2011 and 2016 political events that occurred in Egypt may have weighed on both individual trajectories and collective action registers of the Egyptians living in France, more specifically in Paris and Marseilles. Starting from a sociology of Egyptian migrations in France, this work more broadly aims at understanding how an event can influence the individual trajectories of those who are not first-hand witnesses. At the crossroads of a sociology of migration and a sociology of collective action, this work questions the weight and roles of remote mobilizations. The multi-site field survey (during which interviews and observations were conducted in Paris, Marseilles, and several Egyptian localities), inscribes this work in line with works on forms of politicization by the event and contributes to studies on long distance political participation.

本篇論文以將國民政府視為革命新政權之假設為論述基礎，試圖對北伐階段的歷史進行更清楚的分析。首先列入討論的是革命政權，或謂新政府的行為模式探討。其中包括：革命的意義及發生背景、革命政權決策的產出及新政府之外交取向，末了再以上述理論基礎為根據，闡明國民政府之革命政權本質。以後論述內容均以國民政府此一特質為分析要點。在第三章中將影響國民政府外交決策的外部因素做一分析，首先提到的是自辛亥革命以來的國內局勢及國民黨發展空間之背景，接著對談到國民黨與英、美、日三國的關係，進一步則對影響北伐時期國府甚鉅的聯俄容共政策有所說明，蘇聯對國民政府而言，有著根本內在的影響，而英、美、日三國則左右著廢除不平等條約談判。第四章則述及國府內部的決策考量，例如：排外運動之風起雲湧、南北對峙的時代背景及國民黨內分裂狀況對決策產出之影響。除此之外，執行政策者如陳友仁、伍朝樞及王正廷三人本身的考慮亦為決策重點。分別提及影響決策制定的外在環境與內在因素後，將提出幾件較為人注意的對外交涉個案，以佐證上述之分析，租界之收回、關稅自主及治外法權之撤廢是論述重點，不過基因於五卅慘案和南京事件分別亦帶有群眾外交之始末意義，因此也附帶一提。而在結論中將對所謂「革命外交」之意義重新審定，進而對整個外交成果做一回顧。

Victors do not always write history. To date our knowledge of how the Pathet Lao seized power in Laos in 1975 has been based on accounts from those who witnessed events but who were not privy to the thinking and planning behind them. After the violent fall of Cambodia and Vietnam, the slow, relatively peaceful and seemingly dilatory takeover of power they observed did not equate with the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party’s assertion that its seizure of power was due to the “creative application of Marxism-Leninism to Lao conditions”. This work attempts to determine the accuracy of the Lao Party’s claim by using LPRP documents and written and verbal accounts, which reveal the strategic thinking and tactics behind the Lao Revolution. The piecing together of information drawn from many and varied sources that were directly involved, at last sheds some light on how a small, weak movement overthrew a government almost without violence. It also reveals that the LPRP carefully and deliberately planned and executed the peaceful formation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in December 1975 in a revolution that was unprecedented in the history of Marxist-Leninist revolutions.

近代中國在西力東漸的一再進逼下，不論是政治、社會或文化層面都有著天翻地覆的變動，以往的研究多從思想和組織活動兩個層面來分析中國的革命，近年來西方學界開始注意到地域差異和身份認同在革命中所扮演的重要性，革命不只是意識形態和政治行動的鬥爭，也是日常生活和人際網絡的一部分。尤其值得注意的是，身體也是各方競逐角力的重要戰場，各個黨派團體對於新國民的身體呈現，舉凡髮型、衣著、裝飾、體格和禮儀等，都有不同的看法，不僅反映其理想中的國民形象，更透露出中國人身體觀的轉變，現代科學逐漸取代傳統儒家思想，成為認知身體的新權威。 近代中國的身體論述除了和富國強種的集體目標緊緊相連外，自十九世紀中葉以來，沿海城市快速的商業發展，帶動市民的消費文化，當時的服飾、髮型和妝扮已出現明顯的流行風尚，對於傳統服飾反映身份秩序的等級意義，帶來不小的衝擊。過去的研究大多將近代中國的政治身體和消費身體分別處理，本文最主要的問題意識在於藉由時尚與政治的詮釋角度，觀察清末以來國人在革命潮流下對外表所做出的改變，及其背後所蘊藏的文化意義。 在國家、社會面臨劇變的重組下，趨新與去舊不但是時代趨向與價值判斷的主流聲音，更與個人的現實利益與生存考量息息相關。透過身體的呈現方式，成為辨識群體界線的重要依據；除了政治意義外，激進分子對於改變外表的執著，也暗示了一種追求時尚的心態，顯示在共同的革命目標下，卻可能有著多樣的動機。此外，中國革命對於改造國民身體的高度關切，在形體上雖然是以否定傳統為前提，但背後卻和傳統的身體觀，仍有著千絲萬縷的聯繫。 本文在章節架構的安排上，除緒論、結論外，共分為四章，分別從中西方身體的接觸、性別空間與身體界線、男性身體外形的變化及女性身體外形的變化等四個層面來探討清末民初的變局與身體。 第二章主要討論在十九世紀中外接觸的變局中，由於中國人與西方人在膚色、髮色、體型、五官等外形方面的差異，使得中國人在很長的一段時間裡，對西方人一直有著非我族類、似人似鬼的恐懼，以致產生出許多光怪陸離、匪夷所思的聯想，晚清中國人為何是以外形的歧異來解釋西方人難以理解的行為？這類發自於外形差異的想像，是否反映了中國人獨特的身體觀？這種想像背後的思維模式與行為邏輯又是什麼？其次，在整個十九世紀近一百年的時間裡，絕大多數中國人的觀念都沒有太大的改變，卻在義和團事件後，這類採生折割、盜人器官的謠言迅速消失於無形，這反映了一種身體知識的權力轉變，然而，轉變背後的真正動力，不是解剖學、生理學等西方科學知識，而是中外關係的消長與政治社會環境的迅速轉變，使得原有的身體知識，不能再自由公開的發聲；換言之，現實的外在環境往往才是改變傳統身體觀念的決定性因素，而對於晚清中國人解釋中西雙方身體外形差異的知識體系，來自於政治權力的影響與控制，其實遠遠先於理性的科學知識。 第三章主要討論性別空間與身體界限在清末民初期間所面臨的改變，傳統中國的性別秩序原本就是建立在空間意義的區隔上，男女兩性不只是由外形等一連串的特徵所構成，也取決於必須分處於不同的空間之內。但在晚清的階段，由於不纏足運動及女學堂、西式公園的出現，都對傳統的性別空間，帶來一定程度的衝擊，本章將探討這些新式空間出現後，傳統的性別秩序在其間發生了什麼樣的作用與變化。 第四章主要探討在清末民初的變局中，過去的研究往往只將男性的辮子，這個原本具有高度政治意義的身體象徵，視為否定滿清統治合法性的手段罷了，忽略了剪辮的背後，還有許多其他隱而未彰的心理動機，共同影響了剪辮風潮的動向，包括時尚的展現、妖術的歷史記憶、性別的倒置及階級的關係等等，更重要的，晚清時人藉由剪辮等身體形式的衝撞，表達對既有權威的醜化、嘲弄與顛覆，營造了一種嘻笑怒罵的時代氛圍，藉由對身體形式的誇張與扭曲，辛亥革命展現了一種以張揚身體的笑為核心的力量，而這股力量一直被後來的人所忽視，本章將重新挖掘清末民初的剪辮歷史及其背後的複雜意義。 第五章主要將探討清末民初期間女性在服裝等外在裝扮上的變化及其背後所反映的意義。過去的研究對於晚清女性身體外觀上的轉變，幾乎都把焦點放在纏放足的研究上，其實清末的報刊雜誌及男性讀者也對女性的服裝、髮型及身體，有著超乎尋常的關心，特別是女學生的出現，更讓言論界有了一個具體的窺伺對象，這些針對女性外表的討論，既反應對「新女性」的身體想像，也是商業文化發達下時尚意識的展現。 而晚清中國人在外表上的變化，不只反映了國家再造的過程中，對新國民身體的一種想像與建構，也和十九世紀中期以來沿海城市(特別是上海)的商業活動與消費文化的需求有關，過去都將這兩個層面視為各自獨立的研究領域，但在清末民初的一段時間裡，這兩個影響晚清時人身體外形變化的因素與動機，卻出現了不再是那麼涇渭分明的交融現象。在這個劇烈變動的時代裡，傳統的社會地位與身份階級已不足恃，外形是一個人在變局中的資本與成功的條件，只要穿上時髦的衣服就是成功的一半；時髦男女藉此展現，如何在新權威尚未建立之前、舊勢力還未完全崩解之際，以身體為戰場來挑釁統治權威，或表示對禮教束縛及道德規範的不滿。也因著這些晚清男女求新求變的身體展現，使得這段時間所呈現的中國歷史圖像，也變得生動鮮活許多。 / Twentieth century has been a revolutionary era for the China. In the past researches, scholars frequently analyzed the Chinese revolution from the approach of ideology and action. However, in recent years, a few western scholars pay more attention to the significant influence of locality and identity in the Chinese revolution. Revolution is not merely the conflict of ideologies and political actions, but a certain kind of representation of daily life and social phenomena. In the violent process of the Chinese revolution, body is the main battleground. Various political parties and groups have different opinions about citizen’s appearance, which is including hairstyle, clothing, adornment, figure, carriage and so on. These opinions reflected the ideal image of citizens what they conceived. Furthermore, such opinions also revealed the transformation of Chinese people's realization and recognition about body. Meanwhile, modern science has gradually replaced the traditional Confucianism to be the new authority on judging or identifying Chinese people's impression about body. The discussions about body in Modern China usually tied with the collective intention and goal of establishing a wealthy and powerful nation. On the other hand, since mid-nineteenth century the rapid growth of economy in the coastal cities has created a new fashion. The impact of new fashion on traditional order and notion about body (present in dress) is noteworthy. The main purpose of this project is to investigate how Chinese people changing his appearance and body in the tide of revolution, and to inquire the significance of the new culture (or the same old one) through the approach of fashion and body. We are going to use newspapers, memoirs and photographs to look at the social and political history of this period. We do find numerous dramatic variations of Chinese society in revolutionary era. And we do understand the fashion is symbol of doing away the old and changing it for new. Then we do comprehend the change of appearance is an important identification for distinguishing between different groups. We also notice the reformation of body is highly concerned in Chinese revolution. Nevertheless, though the tradition seems to be totally negated, in fact the fashion and the tradition are still interrelated in innumerable ways.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

本研究對近年來越來越多中國電影向主流意識靠攏的現象感到好奇。透過分析近年來頗受好評的四部革命歷史電影，來了解當前中國電影中的主流意識內涵以及這些主流意識與電影之間的接合方式。研究發現，當前在革命歷史電影中的主流意識，可分為下列四項：彰顯革命精神、凝聚國族意識、中國式民主的建立與資本家地位的提升。這些主流意識的內涵，其功能主要是為了維持中共政權的存續，提供意識形態上的合法性依據。此外，在接合方法上，採用了商業電影的製作方式，達到吸引觀眾與傳遞主流意識的功能。 / An increasing number of Chinese films draw close to the mainstream ideology in recent years. This study analyzes four revolutionary history Films which have good reputation to understand the mainstream ideology in contemporary Chinese film and the articulation which is between the mainstream ideology and the Chinese film. This study found that there are four mainstream ideologies in those revolutionary history Films. They are as follows: Highlight of the revolutionary spirit, Solidarity of the national consciousness, establishment of Chinese-style democracy and upgrading of capitalists status in china. The main function of those mainstream ideologies is to maintain the existence of the Chinese Communist regime. In addition, those Chinese films are produced by commercial film production way in order to attract the audience and delivery the mainstream ideology.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Kassel, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-247).

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-05T17:40:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A questão financeira é uma questão política.pdf: 2793597 bytes, checksum: 9625a13d23ff664f292ba208abd53c4f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-11-18T19:12:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 A questão financeira é uma questão política.pdf: 2793597 bytes, checksum: 9625a13d23ff664f292ba208abd53c4f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-18T19:12:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 A questão financeira é uma questão política.pdf: 2793597 bytes, checksum: 9625a13d23ff664f292ba208abd53c4f (MD5) / CAPES / O trabalho investiga a atuação do Partido Comunista Brasileiro Revolucionário (PCBR) e a experiência de seus militantes em ações armadas durante a década de 1980. Partindo, principalmente, de um processo produzido contra um grupo de militantes presos em Salvador, Bahia, após uma tentativa de assalto a banco, estuda as estratégias políticas planejadas pelo PCBR durante o período da redemocratização brasileira. Apresenta os conflitos sociais e políticos decorrentes dessa tentativa de assalto, nas esferas pública e privada. Demonstra assim, que parte das esquerdas brasileiras ainda se mantinha fiel a ideais revolucionários armados, caraterísticos do marxismo-leninismo, bem como precisavam obter recursos para sua existência política em ambiente cujos espaços democráticos estavam reabertos. The paper investigates the performance of the Brazilian Communist Party Revolutionary (PCBR, acronym in Portuguese) and experience of its militants in armed actions during the 1980s. Based mainly on a process produced against a group of militants arrested in Salvador, Bahia, after an attempted bank robbery, studying political strategies devised by PCBR during the period of Brazilian democratization. Presents the social and political conflicts resulting from this attempted robbery in the public and private spheres. Thus shows that part of the Brazilian left, she remains faithful to revolutionary ideals armed, characteristic of Marxism-Leninism, and obtain needed resources for their political existence in an environment whose democratic spaces were reopened.