大躍進運動，貫徹烏托邦主義，結合毛澤東及其追隨者賦予的闡釋，加上嚴格管制的官方宣傳體系與人民對理想的渴望，演變為大規模集體狂熱運動。對共產主義世界、烏托邦理想的期待與將國家推往急速發展的思想，這種思想化為多樣化的語言論述，藉由傳媒大肆散佈，並形成獨樹一幟的語言風格。 本研究分為五個章節，除導論簡述本文研究要旨外，首先將說明革命語言與中國共產黨之關聯性，定義革命語言的基本內涵，並說明中共革命語言的形成。其次說明中共宣傳的策略與手段，對意識形態及語言的散播發生何種影響。而後進入研究核心，以《人民日報》、《紅旗》文獻與《紅旗歌謠》新民歌，歸納大躍進革命語言的構成內容，並依據前文歸納，分析革命語言的特徵。 / The Great Leap Forward carried out Utopia doctrine, combined the explanation that Mao Zedong and his followers offered to, in addition, the official propaganda system that control strictly and aspiration of the people about ideal, developed into extensive collective's fanatic movement. The expectation of communist world and Utopia ideal, thought of push the country to develop rapidly, the thought turned into variety of languages, spread out by the media, and formed the language style of taking the course of its own. This research is divided into five chapters, except that the introduction, at first will prove the relation of revolutionary language and the CCP, define the basic intension of the revolutionary language, and explain the forming revolutionary language of CCP. Secondly, to show that CCP’s propaganda tactics and means how influenced ideology and language. And then enter the core of studying, in the documents of " People's Daily ", "Red Flag "'and new folk songs of " Red Flag Ballad ", sum up the composition content of the revolutionary language of the Great Leap Forward, and according to preceding paragraphs, analyze the characteristic of the revolutionary language.

La présente thèse étudie la production et la consommation d’images par les révolutionnaires russes avant 1917. L’auteur soutient que l’iconographie révolutionnaire russe émane d’un long processus au cours duquel les révolutionnaires se sont appropriés et ont subverti certaines images et stratégies visuelles, ainsi que leurs moyens de production, déjà disponibles au sein de la culture qu’ils avaient entrepris de transformer. Cette appropriation est comprise comme une tentative d'insuffler une cohérence idéologique à un mouvement révolutionnaire en émergence et, ce faisant, en proie à une relative désorganisation. L’auteur montre comment l’usage de portraits et de stéréotypes visuels joua un rôle important dans la construction de l’identité et de la conscience révolutionnaires, d’une part, et comment un certain imaginaire révolutionnaire fut cristallisé dans la culture visuelle contemporaine, d’autre part. / This dissertation studies the production and consumption of images by Russian revolutionaries prior to 1917. The author argues that Russian revolutionary iconography emanates from a long-term process in which revolutionaries appropriated and subverted the images, means of production and visual strategies already available in their surrounding cultural context. This cultural borrowing is analyzed as an attempt of the revolutionaries to give an ideological coherence to an emerging but still disorganized political movement. The author shows how portraits and visual stereotypes have been fundamental in the construction of the revolutionary identity and consciousness, on one hand, and how a certain revolutionary imagination have been crystallized in the contemporary visual culture, on the other hand.

Au cours des dernières décennies, l’augmentation du nombre de guerres irrégulières place les armées modernes dans une situation délicate. Pour pouvoir relever ce nouveau défi, ces organisations militaires, avant tout destinées à mener des guerres interétatiques, se doivent d’innover. Plusieurs cas historiques montrent comment, face à de nouvelles formes de conflit, certaines armées se sont lancées dans un processus d’innovation. Le cas de l’armée française en Algérie en est un. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de comprendre comment l’innovation a émergé lors du conflit, et comment elle s’est diffusée au sein de l’organisation militaire. Un survol de la stratégie française en Algérie va permettre de dégager trois principales innovations : La mise en place de la doctrine de la guerre révolutionnaire, la création des Sections Administratives Spécialisées et l’approche de David Galula. L’étude de ses trois cas nous montre que, durant la Guerre d’Algérie, l’innovation provenait principalement des militaires, plus précisément du sommet de la hiérarchie. Cependant, certains exemples d’innovation par le bas existent. Dans ces cas-là, la diffusion se fera via la doctrine informelle. L’exemple de Galula nous prouve néanmoins qu’une innovation se diffuse beaucoup plus difficilement lorsqu’elle émane des hommes de terrain. / During the last decades, the increasing number of irregular wars brought the modern armies into a delicate situation. In order to overcome this new challenge, these military organizations primarily designed for interstate wars had to innovate. Many historical cases show how certain armies have launched into innovation processes because of new forms of conflict. The case of the French army in Algeria is a good example. The main goal of this paper is to understand how innovation has emerged during the conflict, and how it has diffused within the military organization. A glance at the French strategy in Algeria will allow us to highlight three main innovations: the development of the Revolutionary Warfare doctrine, the creation of “Sections Administratives Specialisées, and the David Galula approach. The analysis of these three study cases shows that innovation came mainly from militaries during the Algerian war, particularly those on top of the hierarchy. However, certain examples of bottom-up innovations do exist. In these cases, diffusion will take place via the informal doctrine. Nevertheless, the Galula example demonstrates that an innovation will diffuse with more difficulty when it comes from people on the ground.

Ce mémoire portera sur le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma politique d’une manière générale dans un premier temps, puis plus spécifiquement dans l’oeuvre du cinéaste québécois Pierre Falardeau. Il s’agit donc d’abord de regarder comment, d’un point de vue historique, l’image fut réemployée dans le cinéma documentaire classique. Il sera ensuite question de la réutilisation de l’image à des fins politiques dans le cinéma expérimental à travers une analyse du found footage film. Dans un deuxième temps, nous verrons le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma militant, engagé politiquement (voire révolutionnaire) dans le cinéma d’Amérique latine (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas et Octavio Getino) et en France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker et Jean-Luc Godard). Par la suite, nous verrons comment Pierre Falardeau recyclera des images principalement dans trois de ses documentaires : Pea Soup, Speak White et Le temps des bouffons. Nous allons voir où il se situe dans les différentes traditions de réemploi d’images que nous avons vu précédemment et comment il se rapprochait et se distinguait de ses prédécesseurs. / This thesis is concerned with the reuse of images in political cinema in general and, specifically, in the work of Quebec filmmaker Pierre Falardeau. We will first see how, from a historical point of view, archival images have been recycled in traditional documentary and then how they were used or reused for political purposes in found footage experimental films. We will then discuss the use of found footage in militant or revolutionary cinema both in Latin America (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino) and France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker and Jean-Luc Godard). We will then analyse Pierre Falardeau’s reuse of images in three of his documentaries: Pea Soup, Speak White and Le temps des bouffons. We will try and see how Falardeau fits within this tradition of the found footage film and the distinctive features of this aspect of his work.

La justice de paix, ancêtre de notre justice de proximité actuelle, a été créée par la loi des 16 et 24 août 1790 portant sur l’organisation judiciaire. Cette loi place le juge de paix au dernier échelon de la hiérarchie et lui attribue des compétences en matières civile et pénale. L’aspect civil sur lequel porte ce travail présente des singularités: le juge de paix est à la fois conciliateur et juge tout en étant également chargé d’accomplir des actes extrajudiciaires. Les constituants ont fondé de grands espoirs sur ce magistrat qui, dans le but de rapprocher la justice des justiciables exerce dans un ressort restreint(le canton), juge en équité et a pour fonction principale la conciliation. La loi rend d’ailleurs obligatoire le préalable de conciliation. À travers l’exemple du Puy-de-Dôme et notamment des cantons de Clermont-Ferrand, Thiers et Augerolles, se pose la question de savoir si les justices de paix ont répondu aux attentes des constituants pour qui la conciliation devait éviter des procès longs et couteux. Une recherche approfondie sur les justices de paix révolutionnaires, permettra de tirer les leçons du passé et de mieux aborder les concepts de conciliation et de proximité si prisés de nos jours. / The Justice of the peace, the ancestor of our current justice of proximity was established by the law of August 16 and 24, 1790 which focused on the judicial organization. This law puts the Justice of the peace at the lowest grade of the hierarchy and gives him competences in civil and penal cases. The civil aspect on which this work is based offers peculiarities: the justice of the peace is both a conciliator and a judge equally in charge of extra judiciary cases. Constituents based their expectances on this magistrate who in order to bring closer the justice to those subject to trial, practices his missions in a restricted area (district), a judge of equity, and whose main mission is conciliation. The law makes obligatory a prior procedure of conciliation. Throughout the example of the Puy-de-Dôme and particularly districts of Clermont-Ferrand, Thiers and Augerolles, we can raisethe following question: did the Justice of the peace answered to the constituents expectances for whom conciliation had to avoid long and expensive judiciary procedures.A deepened research on the revolutionary justices of the peace will enable us to draw lessons from the past and have a better approach of conciliation and proximity conceptsso valued nowadays.

A crítica consagrou formas de observar a prática de gêneros literários no surgimento e desenvolvimento da literatura moçambicana: se, por um lado, tornou-se comum a percepção de que, durante o período colonial, esta literatura se consolida por meio de textos poéticos, por outro lado, tornou-se assente que, com a independência do país em 1975, a prosa passa a ser predominante, ao menos após a opção de expedientes romanescos no final da década de 1980. Esta tese se debruça a investigar porque a emancipação política e construção do Estado independente é um catalisador do fenômeno literário e em que medida a prática da poesia e a adoção de expedientes romanescos se relacionam com dinâmicas históricas e sociais que propiciam a emergência das articulações estéticas facultadas por essas opções genéricas. Tal dinâmica pode ser observada por meio da análise e interpretação histórica dos textos literários das coletâneas Poesia de combate (1977, 1979 e 1983) e da obra Ualalapi (1987), de Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa. / The literary criticism establishes some ways to observe the practice of literary genres in the emergence and development of Mozambican literature: on the one hand, it became common the perception that, during the colonial period, this literature is consolidated through poetic texts, on the other hand it became accordance that, with the independence of the country in 1975, prose became predominant, especially after the option of romanesque expedients in the late 1980s. This thesis focuses on investigating why the political emancipation and construction of the independent state is a catalyst for the literary phenomenon and how the practice of poetry and romanesque expedients adoption are related to historical and social dynamics that foster the emergence of the aesthetic articulations provided by these options generics. These dynamics can be observed through the analysis and historical interpretation of the literary texts of the compilations Poesia de combate (1977, 1979 and 1983) and Ualalapi (1987), by Ungulani Ba Ka Khosa.

Après soixante-dix années au pouvoir, le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel (PRI) perd les élections de 2000 au niveau national. Pourtant, si l’on peut parler d’alternance politique, il ne s’agit pas vraiment d’une transformation radicale de type de régime. Cette thèse propose un nouvel éclairage sur la question du changement politique. Au travers d’une étude biographique de personnages publics autour de l’ex-président priiste Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), elle apporte une analyse des modalités de construction du groupe politique (1950-1979) ainsi que les mécanismes et stratégies mobilisés pour accéder au pouvoir (1979- 2000). Cette accession prend place dans un contexte de crises nationales, internationales et de déplacement de paradigmes. Les acteurs étudiés parviennent alors à « déformer » les règles d’un régime fermé, pour être à l’initiative d’un processus de « démocratisation », entendu comme la promotion des « flux d’ouverture ». Les membres du groupe politique de l'ex- président vivent, à partir des années 2000, une extraordinaire « dissémination » dans d’autres secteurs (économiques, politiques et consultants). On pourra alors identifier comment un groupe politique parvient à acquérir et conserver des fiefs de pouvoir, avant, pendant et après avoir quitté formellement le gouvernement. La thèse expose, tant du point de vue théorique qu’empirique, ce mouvement, tout à fait paradoxal, entre disparition, circulation et reproduction d’une élite. / After seventy years in power, the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) lost the 2000 federal elections. While this could be considered as a political alternation, it does not signify a complete transformation of the political regime. This thesis proposes a new point of view on the issues of political change. Through a biographical study of the public men around the ex- president Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), we propose an analysis of the way of constructing a Political Group (1950-1979), as well as the mechanisms and strategies used to grasp power (1979-2000). This accession took place in a particular context of national and international crises as well as a paradigms shift. These actors had succeeded to “deform” the rules of a closed regime, promoting a process of “democratization”, called the “flows of openings”. The members of this political group surrounding that president have lived, since the year 2000, an extraordinary “dissemination” in different sectors (in particular the economic, political and consulting circles). We will be able to identify how a political group obtains power fiefdoms, before, during and after it has formally left the government. This thesis focuses on this paradoxical movement between disappearance, circulation and reproduction of elites from a theoretical and empirical level. / Después de setenta años en el poder, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional pierde las elecciones en el año 2000 a nivel nacional. Por lo tanto, aunque podamos hablar de alternancia política, no se trata completamente de una transformación del tipo de régimen. Esta tesis propone un punto de vista distinto sobre la problemática acerca del cambio político. A través de un estudio biográfico de personajes públicos alrededor del ex presidente Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), aportamos un análisis de las modalidades de construcción de un grupo político (1950-1979), así como de los mecanismos y estrategias utilizadas para acceder al poder (1979-2000). Este ascenso tiene lugar en un contexto de crisis nacionales, internacionales y de desplazamiento de paradigmas. Los actores estudiados lograrán “deformar” las reglas de un régimen cerrado, para impulsar un proceso de “democratización”, entendido como la implementación de “flujos de apertura”. Asi, los miembros del grupo político del ex presidente viven, desde el año 2000, una extraordinaria “diseminación” en distintos sectores (económicos, políticos y de consultoría). Podremos por lo tanto identificar como un grupo político logra obtener feudos de poder, antes, durante y después de haber dejado formalmente el gobierno. La tesis se enfoca tanto en el plano teórico, como empírico, sobre este movimiento paradójico, entre desaparición, circulación y reproducción de una elite.

Thema der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Politik, die in der Äußeren Mongolei n Hinblick auf die Lamas und Klöster verfolgt wurde (1920-1939). Das Thema wird auf allen Ebenen untersucht. Es wird untersucht, welchen Einfluss die Bolschewiki/die Sowjets auf die Religionspolitik nahmen, welche Programme und Strategien die mongolische Führung entwarf, welche Maßnahmen ergriffen wurden, wie diese Maßnahmen von Partei und Staat umgesetzt wurden, schließlich wird untersucht, wie die Lamas, die gläubige Bevölkerung auf diese Politik reagierte. Das Thema wird in all seinen verschiedenen Aspekten dargestellt: zu Religionspolitik gehören also die religionspolitischen Programme, die entsprechende Gesetzgebung, die in Hinblick auf die Lamas und Klöster verfolgte Steuerpolitik und Anderes. Der Faktor, der die Religionspolitik sicherlich wesentlich prägte, was der Einfluss der Bolschewiki. In der Arbeit wird dargestellt, dass die Religionspolitik aber keineswegs die bloße Umsetzung eines von Beginn an vorhandenen Programms war, das letztlich auf einer antireligiösen Ideologie basierte. Vielmehr zeigt sich, dass in Hinblick auf die Religionspolitik verschiedene Phasen zu unterscheiden sind, in denen jeweils eine recht unterschiedliche Politik verfolgt wurden. So waren die ersten Jahre von einer Politik der Kompromisse geprägt, die Lamas wurden als Teil einer „Einheitsfront“ angesprochen. In der Mitte der 1920er verfolgten mongolische Funktionäre dann ein Programm zur Reform des Buddhismus. Darauf folgte in den Jahren 1929 bis 1932 ein offen proklamierter Kampf gegen die „gelben Feudalen“, also gegen die (hochrangigen) Lamas. Was dann schließlich in den Jahren 1937 bis 1939 erfolgte war die sogenannte Lösung der Lama- und Klösterfrage: binnen anderthalb Jahren wurden mehr als 15 000 Lamas verhaftet und hingerichtet, alle Klöster wurden geschlossen. Die Folge dieser Religionspolitik war die Beseitigung des mongolischen Buddhismus in seiner tradierten Form. / Theme of this book is the policy in regard to the lamas and monasteries in Outer Mongolia (1920-1939), the so called lama question. The policy on religion will be analyzed on all level. This includes the following questions: What was the general attitude of the Bolsheviks/the soviet towards Outer Mongolia, what policy pursued the Bolsheviks/the Soviets in regard to Outer Mongolia and how did they influenced the policy on religion? What did the Mongolian leadership say and do in regard to the lamas? Which measure were taken? How did the local party cadres and the administration executed these measure? Finally, how did the common people, the lama react towards this policy? The policy on religion comprises different aspects which all will be analyzed, e.g. legislation, taxation of the lamas and monasteries, antireligious organizations. The main force in regard to this policy in Outer Mongolia were the Bolsheviks, the Soviet Union. The main argument developed in this thesis is that this was not a clear cut process determined by an all ready platform which in itself was determined by an underlying antireligious ideology. There were quite some changes in regard to the attitude towards Buddhism. In the first years after the so called People's Revolution the Bolsheviks and the governing Mongolian People's Party proposed the strategy of the united front. In the mid 1920s influential Mongolian leaders proposed a reform of Buddhism. This reform was followed by a fierce attack on the yellow feudal (a term applied to the lamas) in the years 1929 -1932. Finally, in the years 1937-1939 more than 15 000 lamas were arrested and executed, all monasteries were closed: this so called solution of the question of the lamas and monasteries destroyed the Buddhist institutions in Outer Mongolia.

Nas páginas desta Tese, procuramos entender o surgimento e a trajetória de um grupo de ex-marinheiros, que participou da diretoria da Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB, entre maio de 1963 e o Golpe de 1964. Suas origens remontam à crise de 1961, quando os ministros militares brasileiros tentaram impedir a posse do vice-presidente João Goulart, após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros. Esse grupo, que denominamos Coletivo, inseriu-se no movimento mais amplo dos militares subalternos das Forças Armadas, que teve seu auge na chamada Revolta dos Sargentos de setembro de 1963. A partir do Golpe de 1964, o Coletivo entrou nas organizações guerrilheiras, passando por uma transição de nacionalistas a revolucionários. Os membros desse Coletivo, algumas vezes, estiveram dispersos, mas voltavam sempre a se reunir como se estivessem ligados a um compromisso surgido nos tempos da AMFNB. O grupo foi preso e encaminhado para a Penitenciária Professor Lemos Brito. Nesse lugar, ocupando pontos estratégicos na Administração Penitenciária, pode executar atividades que melhoraram a vida dos presos comuns, bem como de preparar sua fuga da prisão. Para a execução do plano de fuga, denominado Operação Liberdade, criou-se uma organização guerrilheira clandestina, com o sugestivo nome MAR Movimento de Ação Revolucionária (a sigla se confundia com o substantivo mar), envolvendo várias pessoas de fora da Penitenciária. Sua fuga da prisão não significou afastamento da política. Ingressaram novamente na guerrilha no combate à ditadura civil-militar. Alguns de seus membros foram presos novamente, outros saíram do país e seu líder, Marcos Antônio da Silva Lima, foi morto numa emboscada da polícia, quando militava no PCBR. O caminho percorrido pelo Coletivo, após o Golpe, permite compreender as estratégias e a ideia que tinham as organizações guerrilheiras de revolução. Realizando as entrevistas com membros desse Coletivo, conseguimos acesso a suas avaliações sobre as organizações guerrilheiras pelas quais passaram e sobre aquela jornada histórica. / This thesis tries to understand the emergence and trajectory of a ex-sailors group who attended the board of the Association of Sailors and Marines of Brazil (Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB) from May 1963 to the coup of 1964. Its origins date back to the 1961 crisis, when Brazilian military ministers tried to prevent the vice-president João Goulart possession, after the resign of president Janio Quadros. This group, which we call Collective, was part of the broader movement of the subaltern Armed Forces personnel, which had its heyday in the named Revolt of the Sergeants September 1963. From the 1964 coup, the Collective entered guerrilla organizations, through a transition from the nationalist to revolutionaries. The members of this Collective sometimes been dispersed, but they always returned to meet as if they were connected to a compromise emerged in AMFNB times. The group was arrested and taken to the Penitentiary Teacher Lemos Brito. There, occupying strategic points in Prison Administration, it could perform activities that improved the lives of ordinary prisoners, and to prepare his escape from prison. They created for the implementation of the escape plan, called Freedom Operation, a clandestine guerilla organization, with the suggestive name MAR - Revolutionary Action Movement (the acronym was confused with the noun SEA), involving several people outside the penitentiary. Their prison break did not mean retirement from politics. Once again joined the guerrillas in fighting Brazilian civil-military dictatorship. Some of its members were arrested again, others left the country and its leader, Marcos Antonio da Silva Lima, was killed in a police ambush, when militated in PCBR. The path taken by the Collective after the coup allows us to understand the strategies and the concept of revolution which guerrilla organizations had. We got access to their reviews of the guerrilla organizations through which passed and on that historic journey conducting interviews with members of the Collective.

The most well-known events and occurrences that caused the American Revolution are well-documented. No scholar debates the importance of matters such as the colonists’ frustration with taxation without representation, the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the Coercive Acts. However, very few scholars have paid attention to how the 1772 English court case that freed James Somerset from slavery impacted American Independence. This case occurred during a two-year stall in the conflict between the English government and her colonies that began in 1763. Between 1763 and 1770, there was ongoing conflict between the two parties, but the conflict temporarily subsided in 1770. Two years later, in 1772, the Somerset decision reignited tension and frustration between the mother country and her colonies. This paper does not claim that the Somerset decision was the cause of colonial separation from England. Instead it argues that the Somerset decision played a significant yet rarely discussed role in the colonists’ willingness to begin meeting with one another to discuss their common problem of shared grievance with British governance. It prompted the colonists to begin relating to one another and to the British in a way that they never had previously. This case’s impact on intercolonial relations and relations between the colonies and her mother country are discussed within this work.