This thesis deals with the right-wing extremism in Federal Republic of Germany, particulary in the Free State of Saxony. The opening part presents the history of the right-wing extremism in the territory of former German Democratic Republic. The following part summarizes briefly the developement of rigth-wing extremism after the german unification. Main attention is focused on the currant course of events. One part is devoted to the strongest and most successfull extreme right-wing political party Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD), especially to its election results. The thesis further monitors the development of the NPDs political strategy and the enforcing of this strategy in to practice. A special attention is paid to the concept of National befreite Zone (nationally liberated zone). Next parts of the text describe the rapidly growing right-wing extremist subculture. The penetration of right- wing extremism into the areas of sport, music and fashion is proved on several concrete examples. There is a separate chapter devoted to the criminal activities commited by right-wing extremists. It also deals with the legislation which is aimed against the expressions of the right-wing extremism.

The Diploma thesis focuses on examination of real interconnection between political extremism and hardcore fans of Bohemians 1905, Slavie Praha and Sparta Praha. The research itself is therefore concentrated primarily on people associated with political extremism and their relation to groups of ultras and hooligans and furthermore their influence on these groups. The theoretical part of the thesis introduces theory of political extremism, typology groups of people attending football games, their development and the reasons of their politicization. The analytical part elaborates particulary the different Prague football clubs and their fans. Part of the data is applied from fourteen half-structured interviews with ultras and hooligans representatives of these clubs. The goal of the thesis is to clarify the real scale of interconnection between political activists and hardcore fans on the one hand, and on the other hand to point out and explain the attempts of political extremist to penetrace into this enviroment and assess the degree of their success.

Bc. Lenka Loučková 2015/2016 Impact of the economic crisis on the position of Dutch Freedom party towards the European Union Abstract This thesis focuses on the relationship between the economic crisis and the attitude of the Dutch radical right populist Freedom Party (PVV) towards the European Union (EU). The aim of this thesis is to determine whether the economic crisis influenced the opinion of PVV on the EU in a negative way and whether it caused the shift of the party in the categorization of attitudes towards the EU by Petr Kopecky and Cas Mudde. The research also aims at contributing to the wider discussion about the nature of right radicalism, populism and Euroscepticism in the EU by pointing to the similarities and differences between PVV and other European parties belonging to the radical right populist family. The time frame of the research starts with the origins of the party in the year 2005 and ends with the last important elections that PVV participated in, the European Parliament elections in 2014. Election manifestos, as well as official statements of the party and its representatives on the Internet and in the media are used for the analysis. The research itself is focusing on three areas: EU's institutional setup and the direction of European integration; issues related to movement of...

Mit der vorliegenden "Mitte"-Studie wird das rechtsextreme Einstellungspotential in Deutschland zum siebten Mal seit 2002 dokumentiert. Zunächst werden in Kapitel I und II die Ergebnisse und theoretischen Implikationen der bisherigen Studien zusammengefasst und erweitert. In Kapitel III werden die Ergebnisse der „Mitte“-Studie 2014 vorgestellt, die im abschließenden Kapitel IV zusammengefasst und im Kapitel V abschliessend diskutiert werden.:Einleitung; Die "Mitte"-Studien der Universität Leipzig – Die Ergebnisse der bisherigen Erhebungen (2002 –2012); Narzisstische Plombe und sekundärer Autoritarismus; Die Untersuchung 2014; Zusammenfassung – Die stabilisierte Mitte; Diskussion – Sekundärer Autoritarismus, autoritäre Aggression und starke Wirtschaft

This study investigates the connection between refugee reception in Swedish municipalities and support for the Swedish right-wing populist party, the Sweden Democrats. Using panel data of electoral support for the Sweden Democrats in the elections 2006, 2010, 2014, and 2018 and the number of refugees received per municipality in the years since the preceding election, I find a positive and significant association between support for the Sweden Democrats and number of refugees received. This result is consistent across different models, including models utilising municipality-fixed and year-fixed effects. In order to test different theories on the connection between immigration and support for right-wing populists, I also utilise several different interaction effects between refugee intake and urbanity, native unemployment, income, immigrant unemployment and existing immigrant stock. Through this, I find some evidence for a connection between economic circumstance and response to refugee reception, supporting a theory of refugees being perceived as an economic threat, but only very weak support for a connection between political response to refugee reception and cultural fears or native contact with refugees.

"Most people don't mind global warming": Climate change denial in Czech politics between the years 2018 - 2021 This thesis deals with the topic of climate change denial in contemporary Czech politics. It aims to describe how the narrative of climate change denial is formed and reproduced. The first part captures the origins and the background of climate change scepticism in both Czech and international context with the special stress laid upon ideology. Based on the critical discourse analysis of the rhetorics of Alexandr Vondra, Jan Zahradník, Václav Klaus Jr., and Tomio Okamura, the second part of this paper aims to contribute by unravelling the key symptoms of climate change denial discourse of the above mentioned politicians as well as the dominant frames and discursive strategies used to deny both the anthropogenic climate change and the climate change politics. The last goal of the analysis is to describe in what aspects the linguistic means of selected right-wing populists differ or intertwine with the language of right-wing conservatives. Keywords: climate change denial, right-wing populism, climate policy, discourse, rhetorics

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The rise of right-wing populism has been identified as a major threat to multilateralism, and its negative consequences for climate policy have already materialised. However, its impacts on environmental policy have been less studied, especially so regarding policy outcomes. In this paper, I strive to narrow this research gap by investigating the impacts of right-wing populism on environmental protection expenditure. I employ a panel regression analysis to examine populist government participation in all European Union member states, and I also separate countries that have experienced a right-wing populist government to explore differences across the party family. The results show no profound effects, which is anticipated. Environmental concerns are more easily conveyed within the right-wing populist logic than climate change mitigation measures, and many European PRRPs express pro-environmental policy stances - they are so-called green patriotists. Based on previous studies, I expand on this concept. Finally, the results indicate green patriotism might be influential for policy outcomes, which is another contribution of this paper to the research field.

In conjunction with the rise of populism all over the globe, social media has been acknowledged as an important arena for populist actors to disseminate their political ideas. This thesis aims to examine the relationship between social media and right-wing populism by exploring how an online platform mediates right-wing populist discourses. In contrast to the existing literature on this relationship, the social media platform TikTok is studied in this thesis. This study examines how online activists that are campaigning for the Sweden Democrats utilize the possibilities provided by TikTok’s material functions in relation to the social context in which they are used. Participant observation was conducted to study these dynamics, understood as platform affordances. The results show that the activists disseminate right-wing populist ideas on TikTok by utilizing functions for self-publication (of video). In terms of the proliferation of these videos, populist communication styles appear to be favored on this platform. A mapping of the social composition and available resources of these activists shows that their usage of the platform to conduct activism is affected by these factors, demonstrating different pathways to becoming an influential activist on TikTok.

Literature on climate policy of political parties’ points to an emerging congruence between populist radical right parties and scepticism toward climate change and climate policy. This thesis explores this nexus via a case study of the Sweden Democrats (SD) climate policy over a period of twelve years (2010-2022). It examines if the Sweden Democrats have expressed variations of climate scepticism and whether this has varied over time. Idea analysis and a taxonomy of three categories of climate scepticism are used for analysing official policy material of the Sweden Democrats. This thesis finds that the Sweden Democrats have outcomes on all three categories of climate scepticism: evidence (i.e., whether human caused climate change is happening), process (related to bureaucratic and scientific processes, e.g., scepticism against dominant research paradigms and bureaucratic decision making), and response scepticism (related to policy choices dealing with climate change). Over time there has been a gradual migration of scepticism from evidence and process related scepticism toward more policy-oriented forms of scepticism that concerns type of policy and attitudinal responses to climate change. Sweden Democrats climate scepticism is primarily anchored in arguments related to desired levels of national response and issues of trade/offs, with climate scepticism frequently constructed through frameworks of the potential harm that climate mitigation may do to national sovereignty, national economy, and industries. Another finding is that the Sweden Democrats overall have a lower salience and prioritization of climate issues compared to other parties represented in parliament whose climate policy they criticize, presenting their climate policy as alternative to these parties. This thesis concludes that the Sweden Democrats climate scepticism is closer to an unconvinced stance toward climate change rather than strictly denialistic, with evidentiary sceptic arguments over time becoming less frequent and decreasing in the degree of scepticism.