Departing from the increasing threat that organized hate groups and their manipulative practices pose to contemporary society, this thesis seeks to unravel the workings of digital hate culture and to highlight the potential of civil society-led counter initiatives to combat the spread of hatred online. The research is based on a twofold qualitative content analysis. In a first step, the intended practices of two opposing groups – an organized hate group (Reconquista Germanica) and an organized counter speech group (Reconquista Internet) – are analyzed based on a set of internal strategic communication documents. In a second step, three comment threads on Facebook are examined to illustrate the actualized practices of users spreading hate and users who counter-speak. By drawing on a four-dimensional framework, the analysis thereby considers how practices, discourses, power relations, and the technological affordances of Facebook shape this interplay. With theoretical reference to Mouffe’s (2005) work on the antagonistic nature of the political and today’s post-political Zeitgeist, this thesis ultimately comes to discuss whether such confrontations between exponents of digital hate culture and counter speakers must be understood as irrefutable antagonisms or if productive agonism can be fostered through a mutual understanding of one another as legitimate adversaries.What the analysis evinces is that the discussions carried out between the two opposing camps are highly moralized, resulting in an antagonistic battle between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ that interferes with the possibility for productive agonism. It is further shown that, in this post-political discussion climate, counter speech carries a crucial responsibility to conform to moral values and maintain professional and ethical standards to set itself apart from the harmful practices of digital hate culture. Otherwise, as the analysis indicates, counter efforts are likely to spur on destructive dynamics, further hardening the fronts between opposing positions that characterize today’s increasingly polarized societies.

The aim of the study is to make visible through a qualitative method if and how the program works to educate social workers through for example anti-colonial education. The relevance of the study is shown in the importance of knowledge about social and human rights, ethical perspective and diversity perspective in social work. The intuition for social work at Linnaeus University has the task of helping sociology students to meet the goals in the study plan but: Do students really achieve the education-specific goals? What does the department do to get the students there? What impact does right-wing populism have on the education?

Wie kann "Forschendes Lernen" noch besser in die politikwissenschaftliche Lehre integriert werden? Dieser Frage gingen sechs Lehrende an den sächsischen Universitäten Dresden, Leipzig und Chemnitz im Wintersemester 2015/2016 mit einem gemeinsam entworfenen Projektseminar unter dem Titel "Rechtsextremismus und Zivilgesellschaft" nach. Im Interview berichten die Beteiligten von ihren Konzeptionen und deren Umsetzung.

The Diploma thesis discusses the German political party Alternative für Deutschland and its position in the German political system. The thesis deals with Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) since its establishment in 2013 until spring 2017. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the ideological and programmatic transformation of AfD. AfD was formed as an eurosceptic party just few months before the General Election in 2013. AfD has became the first eurosceptic party in Germany which has attracted substantial electoral support in local, national and European elections. The main motivation of the party was the fight against the eurozone crisis and EU criticism. The AfD's criticism is mainly focused on the EU's fiscal and monetary regime. Frauke Petry has became a new party leader in 2015. In the same year the party has turned its focus to immigration and Islam. New leader Petry has managed to take control of a debate on the position of migration and asylum policy. Under her leadership the party has became an anti-immigration party. She was also trying to enfoce a party line to extend populism, xenophobia and islamophobia. AfD is focused on criticism of migration and asylum policies in EU and Germany. Leadership of Petry was widely seen as heralding a shift of the party to the right. The thesis deals with...

Diplomová práce se zabývá německou politickou stranou Alternative für Deutschland ) od jejího založení v roce 2013 až do jara 2017. Cílem práce je odhalit faktory úspěchu zkoumané strany. Širší teoretický rámec poskytuje podklad pro rozbor okolností vzniku a ožena jako euroskeptická strana. Později se v souvislosti se změnou vedení začala profilovat jako krajně pravicová strana. Práce sleduje ideologický a programový vývoj AfD a volební úspěchy. Práce využívá průzkumy, které poskytly ičích obrázek o tom, jak voliči s Závěrečná část práce analyzuje faktory úspěchu AfD prostřednictvím použití voličského jednání. Faktory úspěchy jsou vysvětleny na základě průniku strany poptávky a

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...

Despite women's historical involvement in far phenomenon is a mismatch between analysts' expectations and far right women's be The lack of substantial research that focuses on women's narratives and recollections of their women's positions. A recent replication of this phenomenon is right women's motivations in en the movement is aligned to their interests. Additionally, I engage with women's perspectives on right and the lack of space and support for women's the subjects of women's interests in the alt right' women's perspectives in women's terms, as such an approach will provide analysts and

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate unofficial ways that spread the ideas of right-wing- populism with focus on family, especially on mother as a primar mediator. In a background of a right-wing traditional family will be researched the psychological strategies, that populists use to involve the family through the children. One of those strategies are ideologically based summer camps, that raise the political and social thinking, that the children brought from their families. The impact of those strategies will be theoretically and practically analysed. Keywords right-wing populism, family influence, prejudices, education of children, role of a woman, closed societies

Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.

An experimental survey (N = 415) is used to evaluate fascist qualifications within party preference groups, regarding susceptibility to a neofascist communication style and gravitation toward fascist ideas. Testing the notion by fascism expert Roger Griffin, that the influence of the neofascist intellectual movement the New Right (la Nouvelle Droite) is successfully shaping the 21st century wave of right-wing populism, it is hypothesized that sympathizers of the Swedish right-wing populism equivalent (the Sweden Democrats) are more susceptible to a neofascist communication style and more preconditioned to agree with covertly fascist ideas (as based on the writings of the Nouvelle Droite). The results strongly support this hypothesis, although the potential for generalizability beyond the collected sample is limited. Using a causal networks approach, the failure to falsify the hypothesis is however considered a small but valid observation that bolsters its probability. The study contributes to the current research by further strengthening the bridge between the fields of populism and fascism.