This thesis deals with the National Society Against Emigration (Sw.Nationalföreningen mot emigrationen) – referred to as the NE – and its radical right-wing leader Adrian Molin. Th e NE was founded in 1907 in order to stem the tide of emigration from Sweden and facilitate re-immigration by providing jobs and accomodation. Its many bureaus served as employment offi ces, land distribution centres and own-your-own-home companies, mainly aimed at creating smallholdings for Swedish working-class families. The purpose of the study is to investigate the organization, concept and practise of the internal colonization of rural Sweden between 1907 and 1925. By following both the successes and setbacks of the NE during the first decades of the twentieth century, ideas and opportunities circulating in Swedish society in a time of wide-ranging ideological and material change are discussed. Questions in focus include why a society to prevent emigration from Sweden emerged at that particular time; the function it served for both society and the state; the form internal colonization actually took and how it was conducted in comparison with other governmental and private agricultural reforms; and the attitude of the NE toward modernization in general. Theoretically the dissertation takes its point of departure in theories on nation-building and internal colonization (i.e., the establishment of small-scale farming and the cultivation of new land within the national borders), corporatism and attitudes toward modernization. The ideological analysis has been inspired by political scientist Michael Freeden´s theory of the construction of political ideologies via political concepts, as well as an analysis of the view of social categories such as gender, class and ethnicity. The source material is comprised of magazines, newspaper articles, letters and books and offi cial parliamentary publications. The practise of internal colonization has been studied with the aid of preserved accounts of the NE’s small-scale farming colonies, real estate documents, company reports, correspondance and further press materials. The surge of anti-emigration attitudes is explained as a powerful reaction arising at the turn of the century due to the economic upswing in Swedish industry and the social transformations which followed in the 1890s, when the country was seen as a nation with a promising future. That Adrian Molin founded the NE in 1907 is viewed as a consequence of his nationalistic thought. Together with political scientist Prof. Rudolf Kjellén, Molin was one of the country´s foremost advocates of an integrative nationalism. The NE was led by an elite of middle- and upper-class men involved in politics, industry and voluntary associations. Female members and representatives of the lower social classes were mostly absent. In general the NE neglected women in both speeches and plans, being preoccupied with ideas concerning the cultivation of middle-class Swedish men. The NE became a co-actor in a corporative colonization eff ort sanctioned by government financing during the 1910s. In 1920 the NE’s projects were condemned as hierarchical and undemocratic in comparison with other own-home organizations. Many other own-home companies were built on a cooperative foundation, while the NE was run by a national, regional, and local political and financial elite. Suspicions were raised about the raison d´être of the society. The state withdrew its subsidies and loans, and the NE lost it close connections with the government. Though conservative and reactionary in social issues, the NE cannot be characterized as critical of civilization or economic modernization of the country. Its programme intended to aid in the development of both agriculture and industry. The creation of more smallholdings would help bridge the problematic transition between two systems, from agrarian to industrial society.

This dissertation uses social movement theory to analyze the emergence, activities and development of subcultures and small groups. The manuscript is comprised of an Introduction followed by three journal articles and one book chapter.  The introduction discusses: 1) the concept of theoretical extension whereby a theory developed for one purpose is adapted to another; 2) it identifies the social movement theories used to analyze subcultures and small groups; 3) it describes the data used in the analyses included here. The data for this work derives from two distinct research projects conducted by the author between 2002 and 2012 and relies on multiple sources of qualitative data. Data collection techniques used include fieldwork, archival research, and secondary data. Paper I uses resource mobilization (RM) theory to analyze the origin, development, and function of White Power music in relation to the broader White Power Movement (WPM). The research identifies three roles played by White Power music: (1) recruit new adherents, (2) frame issues and ideology for the construction of collective identity, (3) obtain financial resources. Paper II gives an overview of the subculture of Freestyle BMX, discussing its origins and developments—both internationally as a wider subcultural phenomenon, and locally, through a three-year ethnographic case study of a subcultural BMX scene known as “Pro Town USA.” Paper III conceptualizes BMX as a social movement using RM theory to identify and explain three different forms of commercialization within this lifestyle sport in “Pro Town.” The work sheds light on the complex process of commercialization within lifestyle sports by identifying three distinct forms of commercialization: paraphernalia, movement, and mass market, and analyses different impacts that each had on the on the development of the local scene.  Findings reveal that lifestyle-sport insiders actively collaborate in each form of commercialization, especially movement commercialization which has the potential to build alternative lifestyle-sport institutions and resist adverse commercial influences. Paper IV refines the small group theory of collaborative circles by: (1) further clarifying its concepts and relationships, (2) integrating the concepts of flow and idioculture, and (3) introducing a more nuanced concept of resources from RM. The paper concludes by demonstrating that circle development was aided by specific locational, human, moral, and material resources as well as by complementary social-psychological characteristics of its members.

Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 31, 2007). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-85).

In this study, I address the relationship between religion and politics in the Nordic countries, 1988–2012, against a background of increasing religious diversity alongside more or less continuous relationships between church and state. My aim is to analyse possible changes in the way religion is referred to by Nordic parliamentary parties, and in the way these parties use religion as a means to societal cohesion. I use theories on religious change and on the motives for using religion in politics to discuss a possible re-emergence of religion in politics, with the help of concepts such as functional differentiation, glocalisation and politicisation. I apply different forms of content analysis in a mixed-methods approach, using both substantial and functional definitions of religion. The thesis is based on four articles published or accepted for publication in peer-reviewed international journals: First, a study on religion in Nordic party platforms from around 1988, 1998 and 2008. Second, a study on religion in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish parliamentary debates, 1988/89, 1998/99 and 2008/09. Third, a study on the role of the majority churches in the final Nordic parliamentary debates on same-sex unions 1989–2012. Fourth, a study on Danish and Norwegian parliamentary debates on the wearing of veils among judges and policewomen in 2009. The major findings are that the references to religious diversity in party platforms and parliamentary debates have increased, which leads to a more complex understanding of the religious cleavage in politics, and that right-wing populist parties in particular politicise religion to achieve political influence. Furthermore, human rights have been increasingly used to address religious diversity as a political issue. I interpret these findings as continuous use of religion for societal cohesion in Nordic politics, through a model of different forms of politicisation using the concepts civil religion, human rights and nationalism. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the religious cleavage, politicisation of religion, the impact of globalisation on the political debate about religion and changes as well as continuity regarding the use of religion in Nordic politics. / <p>Cover photography: Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (chairman of The Moderate Party) debates with Member of Parliament Jimmie Åkesson (chairman of The Sweden Democrats) in the Swedish parliament Riksdagen on 19 January 2011. Photographer: Melker Dahlstrand/Riksdagsförvaltningen.</p> / NOREL / Impact of Religion

Dans les expériences de Milgram sur la soumission à l’autorité (Milgram, 1963, 1965, 1974), les participants se sont vus ordonner d’administrer une série de chocs électriques d’intensité croissante à un autre participant (en réalité compère de l’expérimentateur) au nom d’une étude sur les effets de la punition sur l’apprentissage. Les résultats montrent que 62.5% des participants ont été jusqu’à infliger plusieurs chocs potentiellement mortels (condition standard ; Milgram, 1974). Ces résultats ont suscité un fort intérêt et sont toujours largement cités pour expliquer certains comportements destructeurs comme les actes de torture et de barbarie. Mais les travaux de Milgram ont également provoqué une forte controverse éthique et toute possibilité de réplication a été rapidement proscrite. Dans ce contexte, peu d’études expérimentales ont été réalisées et la question des mécanismes responsables de l’obéissance destructrice (OD) demeure sans réponse. La recherche récente a pu relancer l’étude expérimentale de l’OD par l’usage d’environnements immersifs. Ainsi, une récente étude IRMf reposant sur l’utilisation d’une version virtuelle du paradigme de Milgram montre que l’observation de la douleur de la victime dans ce contexte provoque un état de détresse personnelle chez les participants (i.e., réaction émotionnelle aversive centrée sur soi). Ce résultat suggère que l’OD pourrait être en partie la conséquence d’un défaut de régulation de la détresse provoquée par les mécanismes de résonance empathique. En nous appuyant sur la recherche récente en neurosciences sociales, nous avons fait l’hypothèse que la vulnérabilité au stress pourrait faciliter l’OD via l’exercice d’un contrôle inhibiteur sur la résonance empathique responsable d’une diminution de l’aversion pour l’atteinte à autrui. Nous avons réalisé six expériences visant (i) à examiner l’influence du tonus vagal (biomarqueur de la vulnérabilité au stress) sur l’autoritarisme de droite (prédicteur classique de l’OD) et sur l’OD, (ii) à manipuler expérimentalement la capacité des participants à exercer un contrôle inhibiteur durant la procédure d’obéissance, (iii) à explorer la relation entre ondes thêta (biomarqueur du contrôle inhibiteur) et OD, (iv) à examiner la relation entre OD et activité hémodynamique au niveau du cortex préfrontal ventromédian (incluant le cortex orbitofrontal) et du cortex préfrontal dorsolatéral, régions cérébrales fortement impliquées dans l’empathie et la cognition morale. L’obéissance a été mesurée à l’aide de l’« Immersive Video Milgram Obedience Experiment ». Dans ce qu’ils ont d’essentiel, nos résultats montrent : (i) qu’un moindre tonus vagal prédit l’autoritarisme de droite et l’OD, et que les participants obéissants ont exercé un effort cognitif couplé à une diminution du stress physiologique durant la procédure d’obéissance (études 2 et 3), (ii) que l’affaiblissement expérimental du contrôle inhibiteur via l’induction d’une « fatigue mentale » favorise la désobéissance et supprime l’influence de l’autoritarisme de droite sur l’OD (étude 4), (iii) qu’une augmentation de la puissance des ondes thêta prédit l’OD (étude 5), (iv) qu’une augmentation de l’oxy-hémoglobine au niveau du cortex préfrontal ventromédian droit prédit une moindre obéissance (étude 6). Dans leur ensemble, ces résultats supportent l’hypothèse voulant que les personnes présentant une plus grande vulnérabilité au stress exercent un contrôle inhibiteur sur leur résonance empathique dans un effort pour diminuer leur détresse, et que ce contrôle inhibiteur a pour conséquence une diminution des réponses émotionnelles aversives à l’atteinte à autrui et ainsi une augmentation de l’OD. / In the Milgram's obedience experiments (Milgram, 1963, 1965, 1974), naive participants were ordered to administer increasingly severe electric shocks on a “learner” (a confederate) after being told that they were participating in an experiment on the effects of punishment on learning. Results revealed that 62.5% of the participants were willing to administer allegedly lethal electric shocks when ordered to do so (standard condition; Milgram, 1974). The Milgram's findings are still often cited when explaining destructive behaviors such as torture. The Milgram’s obedience studies have also been a target of ethical criticism and replication has been discouraged. In such a context, a very few experimental studies has been conducted since the Milgram’s experiments and the mechanisms responsible for destructive obedience remain unknown. Recent research reopens the door to direct empirical study of destructive obedience through the employment of immersive environments. A recent fMRI study showed that pain-related affective sharing in a virtual version of the Milgram paradigm elicited an aversive, self-oriented state of personal distress. This result suggests that low self-regulatory control of the shared affect evoked by the victim’s pain could be responsible for destructive obedience. Based on recent social neuroscience research, we hypothesized that stress vulnerability may facilitate destructive obedience through a mechanism of inhibitory control over empathic resonance responsible for decreased harm aversion. We conducted six studies aiming (i) to explore the influence of cardiac vagal tone (a biomarker of stress vulnerability) on right-wing authoritarianism (RWA, a classic predictor of destructive obedience) and on destructive obedience, (ii) to induce a self-regulatory fatigue in order to manipulate the participants’ abilities for inhibitory control during the obedience procedure, (iii) to explore the relation between theta oscillations (a biomarker of inhibitory control) and destructive obedience, (iv) to examine the relation between destructive obedience and hemodynamic response in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (including the orbitofrontal cortex) and the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, two brain areas highly involved in empathy and moral cognition. Obedience was measured using the “Immersive Video Milgram Obedience Experiment”. All in all, our results showed: (i) that lower vagal tone predicted higher RWA and destructive obedience, and that obedient participants exerted a cognitive effort associated to decreased physiological arousal (studies 2 and 3), (ii) that self-regulatory fatigue reduced destructive obedience and suppressed the influence of RWA, (iii) that increased theta power predicted destructive obedience (study 4), (iv) that increased oxygenated-hemoglobin in the right ventromedial prefrontal cortex predicts disobedience. On the whole, these results support the hypothesis that individuals with high in stress vulnerability exert an inhibitory control over their empathic resonance in an attempt to reduce their own distress, and that such a mechanism is responsible for decreased harm aversion and then destructive obedience.

The thesis deals with right-wing extremism in the context of democracy. In the first part, democracy, its development and basic values are characterised. The following part describes extremism and its rudimentary typology, historical roots of right-wing extremism and its strategy. The final part focuses on the fight of democracy against extremism. In this part, possible anti-extremist measures are proposed, including critical reflections on the principles of right-wing extremism. Furthermore, a concept of so-called militant democracy is introduced, along with the analysis of its application in the Czech Republic and its critical reflection.

The topic of this thesis is political extremism in France, mainly focused on Front National. In the first part, there is defined term extremism, described its typology and its connection to the political system - political parties and its form at present. The content of the next part is to map historical developments of right-wing extremism in France, roots and its tradition. This thesis is mainly focused on development of Front National - since the formation to the present. The aim of this thesis is to map political extremism in France, mainly The Front National, comparison of the political party's development in the different stages. The focus is put on the comparison of its policy agenda and electors especially in connection to the change of leaders of the Front national during its existence (from Jean-Marie Le Pen to Marine Le Pen). Specialised literature in Czech and French and authentic documents were used for the preparation of this thesis. KEYWORDS extremism, right-wing extremism, political parties, Front National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.

Departing from the increasing threat that organized hate groups and their manipulative practices pose to contemporary society, this thesis seeks to unravel the workings of digital hate culture and to highlight the potential of civil society-led counter initiatives to combat the spread of hatred online. The research is based on a twofold qualitative content analysis. In a first step, the intended practices of two opposing groups – an organized hate group (Reconquista Germanica) and an organized counter speech group (Reconquista Internet) – are analyzed based on a set of internal strategic communication documents. In a second step, three comment threads on Facebook are examined to illustrate the actualized practices of users spreading hate and users who counter-speak. By drawing on a four-dimensional framework, the analysis thereby considers how practices, discourses, power relations, and the technological affordances of Facebook shape this interplay. With theoretical reference to Mouffe’s (2005) work on the antagonistic nature of the political and today’s post-political Zeitgeist, this thesis ultimately comes to discuss whether such confrontations between exponents of digital hate culture and counter speakers must be understood as irrefutable antagonisms or if productive agonism can be fostered through a mutual understanding of one another as legitimate adversaries.What the analysis evinces is that the discussions carried out between the two opposing camps are highly moralized, resulting in an antagonistic battle between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ that interferes with the possibility for productive agonism. It is further shown that, in this post-political discussion climate, counter speech carries a crucial responsibility to conform to moral values and maintain professional and ethical standards to set itself apart from the harmful practices of digital hate culture. Otherwise, as the analysis indicates, counter efforts are likely to spur on destructive dynamics, further hardening the fronts between opposing positions that characterize today’s increasingly polarized societies.