The topic of racism and prejudice is a very sensitive issue for many Canadians. This is primarily due to Canada's cherished image as a tolerant society leads even the most progressive people to adopt the belief that racism is comprised of only overt acts. However, what is not acknowledged by this old-fashioned view of prejudice is that the nature and expression of prejudice has evolved into a more covert form of prejudice known as modern prejudice (McConahay, 1986). This is particularly important because there is a well documented history of prejudice and discrimination of Aboriginal peoples in Canada, and without a proper understanding of the changing face of prejudice in Canada it is difficult to determine if there in fact has been a reduction in prejudiced attitudes towards Aboriginal peoples in Canada.<p> This study examines the criterion-related validity of the Prejudice Attitudes Towards Aboriginals Scale (PATAS) (Morrison, 2007) a 25 item (11 old-fashioned prejudice items and 14 modern prejudice items) newly developed measure of prejudicial attitudes towards Aboriginals developed using the theory of Modern Prejudice (McConahay, 1986). Four hundred and five undergraduate students completed a questionnaire including the PATAS, Right-wing Authoritarianism scale (RWA scale) (Altemeyer, 2007), Social Dominance Orientation scale (SDO5) (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, and Malle, 1994), Motivation to Control Prejudice Reactions Scale (MCPRS) (Dunton and Fazio, 1997), and Form C of the Marlowe Crowne Social Desirability Scale (Renolds, 1982).<p> The results of this investigation revealed evidence attesting to the criterion-related validity of the PATAS. Participants who scored high on the PATAS also had high scores on the RWA scale, SDO5 scale, and tended to have a conservative political orientation. However, contrary to expectations, religious self schema was not found to be associated with PATAS scores. Practical applications and limitations of these findings are discussed as are possible directions for future research.

The topic of racism and prejudice is a very sensitive issue for many Canadians. This is primarily due to Canada's cherished image as a tolerant society leads even the most progressive people to adopt the belief that racism is comprised of only overt acts. However, what is not acknowledged by this old-fashioned view of prejudice is that the nature and expression of prejudice has evolved into a more covert form of prejudice known as modern prejudice (McConahay, 1986). This is particularly important because there is a well documented history of prejudice and discrimination of Aboriginal peoples in Canada, and without a proper understanding of the changing face of prejudice in Canada it is difficult to determine if there in fact has been a reduction in prejudiced attitudes towards Aboriginal peoples in Canada.<p> This study examines the criterion-related validity of the Prejudice Attitudes Towards Aboriginals Scale (PATAS) (Morrison, 2007) a 25 item (11 old-fashioned prejudice items and 14 modern prejudice items) newly developed measure of prejudicial attitudes towards Aboriginals developed using the theory of Modern Prejudice (McConahay, 1986). Four hundred and five undergraduate students completed a questionnaire including the PATAS, Right-wing Authoritarianism scale (RWA scale) (Altemeyer, 2007), Social Dominance Orientation scale (SDO5) (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, and Malle, 1994), Motivation to Control Prejudice Reactions Scale (MCPRS) (Dunton and Fazio, 1997), and Form C of the Marlowe Crowne Social Desirability Scale (Renolds, 1982).<p> The results of this investigation revealed evidence attesting to the criterion-related validity of the PATAS. Participants who scored high on the PATAS also had high scores on the RWA scale, SDO5 scale, and tended to have a conservative political orientation. However, contrary to expectations, religious self schema was not found to be associated with PATAS scores. Practical applications and limitations of these findings are discussed as are possible directions for future research.

This study introduces narcissistic entitlement as a correlate of homonegative attitudes and behaviors and examines the relative strength of relations along with established correlates of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), conformity with masculine norms, and intrinsic religious orientation. It also tests the role of negative attitudes towards lesbian women and gay men (ATLG) in mediating the relationship between the predictor variables and gay- and lesbian-rejecting and affirming behaviors. Implications for what these findings may offer psychologists are discussed, as are ways findings may inform the political process. Earlier studies support the link between entitlement and homonegativity (Exline, et al., 2004). Narcissism was positively related to dominance, neuroticism, social anxiety, and more aggressive/sadistic and rebellious/distrustful interpersonal styles (Emmons, 1984). Entitled narcissists are quick to take offense (McCullough, et al., 2003), externalize blame (Campbell, et al., 2000), and derogate or attack those who provide ego-threatening feedback or social rejection (Bushman, et al., 2003; Konrath, et al., 2006). Entitlement increases the risk of the narcissist becoming prone to hostile and reactive aggression and extreme violence, even without an ego-threat (Bushman, et al., 2003; Reidy, et al., 2008). Participants were recruited through the Department of Educational Psychology subject pool and data was collected by online survey. Given the focus on heterosexual men's attitudes toward lesbian women and gay men, participants were excluded from analysis if they identified as female, bisexual, or homosexual. Results indicated that entitlement, RWA, and intrinsic religiosity, but not conformity to masculine norms or SDO, were related uniquely to ATLG. ATLG was also related uniquely with measures of behavior, positively to gay- and lesbian-rejecting behaviors, and negatively with gay- and lesbian-affirming behaviors. ATLG was found to significantly mediate the links of entitlement and RWA with lesbian- and gay-rejecting behaviors. Results also indicated that the indirect link of intrinsic religious orientation with lesbian- and gay-rejecting behaviors was significant. Additionally, ATLG significantly mediated the links of entitlement with lesbian- and gay-affirming behaviors. Such an examination advances research and practice by identifying unique correlates of homonegative attitudes and the mechanisms through which they are related to lesbian- and gay-rejecting and -affirming behaviors. / text

This study explores the complex relationship between radical right rhetoric and the genre of apocalyptic rhetoric. The radical right consists of the White Nationalist and Patriot movements, two common "hate group" movements in the United States. The Klanwatch (1998d) explains that the number of hate groups in the United States grew by 20 percent in 1997. They attribute much of this growth to the movement's use of the Internet. Although these hate groups are highly diverse, Christian Identity is a common theology to which many members of the radical right adhere.This study analyzes two artifacts representational of Christian Identity rhetoric. These artifacts were found on the Web site of the Northwest Kinsmen, a radical right group from the Pacific Northwest. Christian Identity is a "pseudo-Christian" theology that claims that white Christians are the true Israelites and that Jews are actually "children of Satan." Christian Identity followers believe that there will be a racial war (i.e., racial apocalypse) in which white Christians will triumph over the forces of evil (Abanes, 1996).This study utilizes the rhetorical method of generic criticism to determine that the Christian Identity rhetoric present on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. Generic theory, the theoretical foundation of this study, argues that rhetorical genres have common situational, substantive, and stylistic features and a common "organizing principle" that unifies the genre. Therefore, this study compares the key features of apocalyptic rhetoric to the Northwest Kinsmen artifacts. Through this study, a greater understanding of the social reality, beliefs, attitudes, and values of the radical right, Christian Identity rhetors is obtained.This study discovers that the Christian Identity rhetoric found on the Northwest Kinsmen's Web site is apocalyptic rhetoric. This study illustrates that these Christian Identity rhetors believe that they are living in a chaotic world of inexplicable problems. Through apocalyptic rhetoric, the rhetors help explain the "crises" facing the audience and therefore restore order in their lives. Specifically, this study shows how these apocalyptic rhetors utilize conspiracy theories to restore order. Additionally, it illustrates how the rhetorical strategies associated with apocalyptic rhetoric (i.e., typology, transfer, and style and language) are used to enhance the credibility of the rhetor and the legitimacy of even the most racist assertions. Finally, this study provides insight into the use of the Internet by radical right groups. / Department of Speech Communication

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.

Univ., Diss.--Würzburg, 2001. / Literaturverz. S. 363 - 380.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2017-07-17T14:24:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1497212 bytes, checksum: d5d2c8fedaa2465aacbdbf84d14e16ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-17T14:24:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1497212 bytes, checksum: d5d2c8fedaa2465aacbdbf84d14e16ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-06 / The number of religious intolerance denouncements has recently increased, especially those against African-Brazilian religions. Would be this kind of prejudice related to Brazilian racial prejudice? Justified discrimination theory alleges that the legitimating myth to disguise racial prejudice, on this case, would be the demonization of AfricanBrazilian religious beliefs. Under this theory it was investigated the degree of relationship between African-Brazilian religions discrimination, racial prejudice, prosperity theology, kind and strength of religion, and right-wing authoritarianism as well as which of these factors mediates the relation of religion/religiosity and discrimination. To accomplish this, two studies were done (college students, N = 300; devotees of different kinds of Christianism, N = 519) using a specific scale to measure each construct. The AfricanBrazilian religions discrimination scale was well-succeed (α = 0,84) as well as the religion/religiosity one (α = 0,94). Neopentecostals and Protestants discriminate more African-Brazilian religions. Catholics, atheists and non-religious are more tolerant. It was concluded that neither racism, nor prosperity theology, but right-wing authoritarianism construct is the mediator between religion/religiosity and religious discrimination (Z of Sobel = 7,95; p = 0,001 e 8,24; p = 0,01 in each study, respectively). It is the first study of this kind in Brazil, and a surprising result that demands prudency on its interpretation. / Atualmente cresceu o número de denúncias de intolerância religiosa, especialmente contra as religiões de matriz africana. Haveria relação entre este preconceito religioso e o preconceito racial brasileiro? A Teoria da Discriminação Justificada alega que o mito legitimador do disfarce do preconceito racial seria, neste caso, a diabolização das crenças religiosas afro-brasileiras. Com este marco teórico, investigou-se em que medida a discriminação contra as religiões de matriz africana, o preconceito racial, a teologia da prosperidade, o tipo de religião e grau de religiosidade, e o autoritarismo de direita estão relacionados e quais destes fatores medeiam a relação entre religião/religiosidade e discriminação. Para isto, realizaram-se dois estudos (estudantes universitários, N = 300 e fiéis de diversos cristianismos, N = 519, respectivamente) onde se utilizou uma escala para cada construto. A escala de discriminação contra religiões afro-brasileiras mostrouse satisfatória (α = 0,84) assim como a de religião/religiosidade (α = 0,94). Os neopentecostais e protestantes discriminaram mais as religiões afro-brasileiras. O grau de religiosidade também predisse diretamente este preconceito. Católicos, ateus e semreligião mostraram-se os mais tolerantes. Concluiu-se que nem o racismo, nem a teologia da prosperidade como defendido por vários estudiosos, mas o autoritarismo de direita é o construto que medeia a relação entre o tipo de religião/religiosidade e a discriminação contra religiões afro-brasileiras (Z de Sobel = 7,95; p = 0,001 e 8,24; p = 0,01, em cada estudo, respectivamente). É o primeiro estudo do tipo no Brasil, e um resultado surpreendente que pede cautela na sua interpretação. / Actualmente se incrementó el número de quejas de intolerancia religiosa, especialmente contra las religiones de origen africano. Hay relación entre este prejuicio religioso y el prejuicio racial de Brasil? La Teoría de la Discriminación Justificada plantea que el mito legitimador del disfraz de los prejuicios raciales sería, en este caso, la demonización de las creencias religiosas afro-brasileñas. Con este marco teórico, se investigó el grado en que la discriminación contra las religiones de origen africano, los prejuicios raciales, la teología de la prosperidad, el tipo de la religión y el grado de religiosidad, y el autoritarismo de derecha están relacionados y cuáles de estos factores son mediadores de la relación entre la religión / religiosidad y la discriminación. Para esto, hubo dos estudios (estudiantes universitarios, N = 300 y fiel de varios cristianismos, n = 519, respectivamente) donde se utilizó una escala para cada constructo. La escala de discriminación contra las religiones afro-brasileña fue satisfactoria (α = 0,84), así como la de religión / religiosidad (α = 0,94). Los neo-pentecostales y protestantes discriminaron más las religiones afro-brasileñas. El grado de religiosidad también predijo directamente este prejuicio. Católicos, ateos y los no religiosos resultaron ser los más tolerantes. Se concluyó que ni el racismo ni la teología de la prosperidad, como defendido por muchos estudiosos, pero el autoritarismo de derecha es el constructo que media la relación entre el tipo de religión / religiosidad y la discriminación contra las religiones afro-brasileñas (Z Sobel = 7,95; p = 0,001 a 8,24; p = 0,01 en cada estudio, respectivamente). Es el primer estudio de su tipo en Brasil, y un resultado sorprendente que pide prudencia en su interpretación.

Abstract Currently, the issue of a growing extremist right-wing orientation in professional soldiers serving in the Army of the Czech Republic has acquired top priority. This diploma work should present a targeted proposal of changes in psycho-social tests and the whole selection system of candidates applying for the army professional status. The objective of my diploma work is thus summarised in its very name ?A Proposal of Health and Psycho-Social Criteria for the Purposes of Hiring New Professional Soldiers?. The significance or danger of right-wing extremist opinions in professional soldiers serving in the Army of the Czech Republic cannot be seen in its current massive occurrence but in the trend of the growth of such negative phenomena. Based on the experimental section of my diploma work consisting in the collection and evaluation of opinions and standpoints of experienced staff members responsible for the selection of the Ministry of Defence personnel, two hypotheses were established. H1. Current psychosocial test do not comply with the hiring reguirements related to candidates for a professional army career. H2. Health checks as a component of the hiring procedure do not include the detection of external marks or signs which would indicate right-wing extremist views. The respondents who have taken part in my research have dealt with the issue in a most responsible and reliable way. The opinions of former professional soldiers who have been dismissed from the army due to their right-wing extremist opinions and acts have also been of great significance. The conclusions of my diploma work shall be submitted as a proposal for an improved hiring procedure, predominantly as far as psycho-social tests and health examinations are concerned, with the aim of detecting potential latent right-wing extremist inclinations.

This paper identifies variables that discriminate between participants and non-participants considering electoral and non-electoral dimensions of political participation in Córdoba, Argentina. A study was conducted by survey on a representative sample of the population (N = 450). The discriminant analysis allowed recognizing the contribution of right-wing autho­ ritarianism (RWA), collectivism, political collectivism, political interest and of participatory measure of “political efficacy”, to such differentiation in two dimensions of participation: electoral-campaign and contact with organizations and political figures. These results show the relationship of RWA with different political behavior of party preferences; and verify the relationship of different values and a participatory measure of “political efficacy” with broad participation repertoires. / El presente trabajo identifica variables que discriminan entre las personas que participan y quienes no participan políticamente, considerando dimensiones electorales y no electo­ rales de la participación política en Córdoba, Argentina. Se realizó un estudio por encuesta en una muestra representativa de la población (N=450). El análisis discriminante permitió reconocer el aporte del autoritarismo de derecha (RWA), colectivismo, colectivismo político, interés político y eficacia política participativa, a dicha diferenciación en dos dimensiones de la participación: electoral-de campaña y de contacto con organizaciones y referentes polí­ ticos. Estos resultados evidencian la relación del RWA con otros comportamientos políticos diferenciados de las preferencias partidarias y comprueban la relación de diferentes valores y de una medida participativa de la eficacia política con amplios repertorios participativos. / Este documento identifica as variáveis que discriminam entre os participantes e não par­ ticipantes, considerando dimensões eleitorais e não-eleitorais de participação política em Córdoba, Argentina. Um estudo foi realizado por levantamento de uma amostra represen­ tativa da população (N = 450). A análise discriminante permitiu reconhecer a contribuição de “autoritarismo de direita” (RWA), colectivismo, “coletivismo político”; política e interesse “política participativa eficácia”. Essas variáveis discriminar participantes em duas dimensões de participação: eleitorais - “campanha” e contato com organizações e figuras políticas. Estes resultados mostram a relação de RWA com outro comportamento político diferenciado das preferências partidárias e verificar a relação de valores diferentes e uma medida de eficácia política participativa, com amplos repertórios de participação.

The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.