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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
191

Pravicový extremismus v ČR optikou morální paniky / Right extremism in CZ 2007-2010

Půbalová, Božena January 2011 (has links)
The thesis deals with the phenomenon of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic during 2007-2010 which is viewed from the socio-constructivist perspective of the sociological concept of moral panic. The theoretical part focuses on definition of the terms right-wing extremism and moral panic with regard to their evolution and various approaches in social theory and also briefly describes the situation and significant subjects of the Czech extremist right-wing scene in the analyzed period. The analytic part presents media content of four selected aspects and cases of right-wing extremism as published in nationally released newspaper Mladá fronta DNES which is examined in depth using qualitative content analysis. The task of the analysis was to determine to what extent and by which specific ways the representation of these cases in given newspaper fulfills the aspects and processes of an ideal type of moral panic, represented by Klocke and Muschert's hybrid model of moral panics, and how the cases are put in the general framework of constructing the right-wing extremism as a prominent social problem and a moral panic.
192

Vývoj české krajní pravice po roce 1989 / Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989

Kameník, Martin January 2013 (has links)
The master thesis Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989 deals with three the most significant far right-wing parties in Czech republic after 1989. These parties are Association for republic - Czechoslovak Republican Party (SPR-RSČ), National Party (NS) and Workers' Party (DS). The only far right-wing body shall, which was able to enforce on Czech political scene and obtain representation in the Parliament was SPR-RSČ. Other two parties were unsuccessful in elections. Thesis has an ambition to make clear, why SPR-RSČ was that successful and other parties were not. But at the beginning of the thesis is explained concept of far right-wing. After this, is a chapter about SPR-RSČ, which was significant political party in the 90's. Nevertheless after unsuccessful elections in 1998 became piece by piece minor political force. Next part refers about NS, which was very unsuccessful in elections, but was able to attract attention of Czech media by its actions. Thesis also include chapter about DS, which was, as the only one after 1989, dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. However the party works under the name DSSS and nowadays is the most successful far right-wing party in Czech Republic. After that is a chapter, which clarifies the reasons why was SPR-RSČ successful and the other...
193

Sverigedemokraterna - Radikala högerpopulister? : En innehållsanalys av Sverigedemokraternas principprogram 1996–2019 / The Sweden Democrats - Radical right-wing populists? : A content analysis of The Sweden Democrats party programs 1996-2019

Eklund, Elin January 2023 (has links)
Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka innehållet i Sverigedemokraternas principprogram för att skapa en förståelse för inslag av radikal högerpopulism i partiets politiska ideologi, så som den kommer till uttryck i dessa texter. Forskningsfrågans relevans grundar sig i den splittring som identifierats bland forskare som sysslar med Sverigedemokraternas politiska ideologi och hur den bör definieras. Trots att Sverigedemokraterna är Sveriges näst största parti, vilket medför ett stort politiskt inflytande, finns alltså en osäkerhet bland forskare om partiets ideologi och intentioner. Det är vanligt förekommande att Sverigedemokraterna beskrivs baserat på deras ställningstagande i enskilda politiska frågor, exempelvis frågor om invandring, men i den här uppsatsen presenteras en analys av Sverigedemokraternas beskrivningar av Sverige, världen och politik i allmänhet. Mitt syfte ska besvaras genom en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Det material som analyseras är Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram/principprogram från åren 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 och 2019. I analysen utgår jag från ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Jens Rydgrens beskrivningar av radikal högerpopulism. En idealtyp för radikal högerpopulism formuleras med syftet att förenkla och förtydliga ideologins olika grundbultar. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraternas principprogram innehåller radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser under alla år, men det identifieras också skillnader som indikerar att principprogrammens primära fokus varierar under åren. Partiets invandringspolitiska ståndpunkter är centrala delar som går i linje med ideologin i samtliga program, där en intolerans inför olikheter och stark etnopluralistisk nationalism identifierats. De radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser som identifieras förekommer i en sådan utsträckning, även 2019, att studiens resultat kan tolkas som stöd till påståenden om att radikal högerpopulism kan användas för att beskriva Sverigedemokraternas ideologi. / The purpose of this study is to examine the content of the Sweden Democrats' party program in order to create an understanding of potential elements of radical right-wing populism in the party's ideology, as expressed in these texts. The relevance of the research question is based on the division identified among researchers of the Sweden Democrats' political ideology and how it should be defined. Even though the Sweden Democrats are Sweden's second largest party, which entails a large political influence, there is still a great deal of uncertainty among the public as well as experts about the party's ideology and intentions. It is common for the Sweden Democrats to be described based on their stance on individual political issues, for example issues of immigration, but this essay presents an analysis of the Sweden Democrats' descriptions of Sweden, the world and politics in general. My purpose is to be answered through a targeted qualitative content analysis. The material that is analyzed is the Sweden Democrats' party programs from the years 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 and 2019. In the analysis, I use a theoretical framework based on Jens Rydgren's descriptions of radical right-wing populism. An ideal type for radical right-wing populism is formulated with the aim of simplifying and clarifying the core of the ideology. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' party programs contain radical right-wing populist tendencies between the years 1996-2019, but differences are also identified which indicate that the primary focus in the party programs vary over the years. The party’s immigration policies align particularly well with the ideology in all programs, where an intolerance towards differences and a strong ethnopluralist nationalism have been identified. The radical right-wing populist tendencies that are identified occur to such an extent, even in 2019, that the study's results can be interpreted as support for claims that radical right-wing populism can be used to describe the ideology of the Sweden Democrats.
194

Svensk frikyrklighet och högerpopulism: immun eller mottaglig? : en jämförande idéanalys av evangelikal kristen opinionsbildning / Free churches in Sweden and right wing populism: immune or susceptible? : an analysis of ideas comparing editorials in evangelical press

Casselbrant, André January 2022 (has links)
Is religion a vaccine against radical right populism? The opposite has often been taken for granted in many debates. This study tests the theory of religious immunity by examining three Swedish evangelical newspapers: Dagen, Världen idag and Sändaren. By performing an analysis of ideas on evangelical contribution to public debate in the years of 2010 and 2021, the degree of radical right populism is estimated. Differences between the newspapers and change over time are the investigation’s comparative elements. By utilizing theological variation among the cases and the development over time, the strength and endurance of the immunity is examined.  Results show an evangelical opinion making in change. From a starting point in 2010, where all cases proved a solid immunity, to a more complex picture in 2021. Two parallel trends where observed: the immunity found in Dagen and Sändaren endured the test of time. At the same time, Världen idag developed a radical right tendency, harmonizing with the Christian Democratic party. Being a least likely case, the turn in Världen idag does not write off the theory of immunity, but challenges the idea of evangelical homogeneity in regard to radical right populism. Theological ideas about the nation is suggested being a possible division. In whole, this study has deepened our knowledge in how theological motives are used to affect the connection between religion and radical right populism, and given a more nuanced understanding of evangelical politics in Sweden.
195

A Cishet Man’s Poland : Compulsory Heterosexuality in Polish Legislation on Reproductive and Sexual Rights

Lodenius, Lina January 2022 (has links)
This thesis analyzes how compulsory heterosexuality is present in Polish legislation on women* and trans* people’s reproductive and sexual rights. The aim of this study is to increase an understanding of how compulsory heterosexuality’s presence in legislation regarding reproductive and sexual rights can consequently affect women* and trans* people in practice. By the means of qualitative content analysis and the operationalization of compulsory heterosexuality through the lens of queer feminism, this thesis analyzes three Polish legislations on reproductive and sexual rights, namely the Constitution of Poland, the Family Planning, Human Embryo Protection and Conditions of Permissibility of Abortion Act, and the Family and Guardianship Code. Adrienne Rich’s theory of compulsory heterosexuality suggests that heterosexuality is not natural, but a violent institution enforced in society through e.g. law. This thesis found that compulsory heterosexuality was present in all three legislations, and presented itself through: erasure of women* and trans* people, denial of their sexuality, idealization of heterosexuality, rape and violence, control of their bodies, robbing of their children, punishment for being LGBTQIA+, diminishing their aspirations, restricting their self-fulfillment to parenthood and marriage, keeping them from seeking reproductive care, erasure of their traditions, objectification, and dismissive language. Possible consequences identified were: invalidation and invisibilization of queer and trans* people, increased oppression, the social norm being a negative bias against LGBTQIA+ people, criminalization of LGBTQIA+ people, more deaths at the hands of the law, more parentless children, making women* and trans* people question their body or intuition, and an increase in illegal unsafe abortions or abortion tourism.
196

Challenging messianism and apocalyptism : a study of the three surviving Messiahs, their related commonalities, problematic issues and the beliefs surrounding them

Krawitz, Lilian 11 1900 (has links)
The thesis is concerned with two issues, modern messiahs and their appeal, namely the highly successful Rebbe M.M. Schneerson from Chabad; and hostile, modern day, militant messianists and their beliefs, namely the USA Christian evangelicals and their rapture belief. The study directs attention at the three successful (in the sense that their movements survived their deaths) Jewish Messiahs, the 1st century Jesus, the 17th century Sabbatai Sevi and the present day, but recently deceased (1994) Rebbe Schneerson. The focus in the study falls on the latter two Jewish Messiahs, especially Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad, from Crown Heights, New York, whose messianic beliefs and conduct the thesis has been able to follow in real time. The thesis argues that Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad‟s extreme messianic beliefs and praxis, and the marked similarities that exist between all three Jewish Messiahs and their followers indicate that Chabad will probably, over time, become another religion removed from Judaism. The thesis notes that the three Jewish Messiahs share a similar messiah template, the “„suffering servant‟ messiah” template. The thesis argues that this template is related to the wide appeal and success of these three Jewish messiahs, as it offers their followers the option of vicarious atonement which relieves people from dealing with their own transgressions and permits people to evade the demanding task of assuming personal accountability for all their actions, including their transgressions. The recommendations in this thesis are prompted by the “wall of deafening silence” which is the result of political correctness and the “hands off religion” position, that prevents debate or censure of hostile militant messianism, despite the inherent dangers and high cost attached to the praxis of hostile, militant messianism and militant messianists‟ belief in exclusive apocalyptic scenarios, in modern, multicultural and democratic societies. The thesis argues this situation is not tenable and that it needs to be addressed, especially where modern day, hostile, militant messianists, unlike their predecessors at Qumran, now have access to the military and to military hardware, including nuclear warheads, and are able to hasten the End Times should they simply choose to do so. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Archaeology)
197

Challenging messianism and apocalyptism : a study of the three surviving Messiahs, their related commonalities, problematic issues and the beliefs surrounding them

Krawitz, Lilian 11 1900 (has links)
The thesis is concerned with two issues, modern messiahs and their appeal, namely the highly successful Rebbe M.M. Schneerson from Chabad; and hostile, modern day, militant messianists and their beliefs, namely the USA Christian evangelicals and their rapture belief. The study directs attention at the three successful (in the sense that their movements survived their deaths) Jewish Messiahs, the 1st century Jesus, the 17th century Sabbatai Sevi and the present day, but recently deceased (1994) Rebbe Schneerson. The focus in the study falls on the latter two Jewish Messiahs, especially Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad, from Crown Heights, New York, whose messianic beliefs and conduct the thesis has been able to follow in real time. The thesis argues that Rebbe Schneerson and Chabad‟s extreme messianic beliefs and praxis, and the marked similarities that exist between all three Jewish Messiahs and their followers indicate that Chabad will probably, over time, become another religion removed from Judaism. The thesis notes that the three Jewish Messiahs share a similar messiah template, the “„suffering servant‟ messiah” template. The thesis argues that this template is related to the wide appeal and success of these three Jewish messiahs, as it offers their followers the option of vicarious atonement which relieves people from dealing with their own transgressions and permits people to evade the demanding task of assuming personal accountability for all their actions, including their transgressions. The recommendations in this thesis are prompted by the “wall of deafening silence” which is the result of political correctness and the “hands off religion” position, that prevents debate or censure of hostile militant messianism, despite the inherent dangers and high cost attached to the praxis of hostile, militant messianism and militant messianists‟ belief in exclusive apocalyptic scenarios, in modern, multicultural and democratic societies. The thesis argues this situation is not tenable and that it needs to be addressed, especially where modern day, hostile, militant messianists, unlike their predecessors at Qumran, now have access to the military and to military hardware, including nuclear warheads, and are able to hasten the End Times should they simply choose to do so. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Biblical Archaeology)
198

Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling system

Peck, Mikaere Michelle S. January 2009 (has links)
The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.
199

Swedish Belief and Swedish Tradition : The Role of Religion in Sweden Democrat Nationalism

Stenbäck, Tomas January 2020 (has links)
In the context of Western, European, Nordic, and Swedish radical nationalism, this study is an analysis of the various ways the political party the Sweden Democrats talks about religion; primarily about Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran Christianity and the Church of Sweden.   The study investigates the party expressions on religion and nationalism, using theoretical models of interpretation, constructed for this specific purpose, out of hermeneutic methodology.   The purpose has been to analyse the different functions of the various ways the Sweden Democrats talk about religion, and to investigate how the references to religion legitimize the ideology of nationalism, with the aim to answer the following questions: How do the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion function as an identity marker? In what way is it possible to distinguish an aspiration for cultural purity in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? Is it possible to distinguish neo-racism in the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion? In which ways can the Sweden Democrats’ talk on religion be regarded as political strategy?   The results demonstrate in which ways the Sweden Democrats apply religion to promote the party perceptions of nationalism, as well as to legitimize the party conceptions of the Swedish nation and the Swedish people: Swedish Christianity and the Church of Sweden are used to identify Swedish culture and to identify contrasting foreign culture. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the good Swedish people and the bad other people. Swedish Christianity is used as the determining factor between the right Swedish values and the wrong values of the other. Swedish Christian values are used as dividing criteria between the culturally pure Swedish people and the culturally impure other people. The degeneration of the Church of Sweden mirrors the degeneration of the Swedish society. Swedish Christian homogeneity will guarantee security for the Swedish people and the Swedish nation within the Swedish nation-state. Elements of religion and culture sort different peoples into different categories in the hierarchical view of humanity. Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the Swedish people as innocent to the current precarious situation of the Swedish nation, and Swedish Christianity and Swedish culture identify and define the people of the other, which is to blame for this situation. The Swedish people is superior, to the non-Swedish people, because of superior Swedish religion and superior Swedish culture. Swedish Christianity is used to promote anti-democratic political positions. Swedish Christianity is used to legitimize coercion and force in the enforcement of Swedishness.

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