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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 1 to 10 of 12 (0.046 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"christian democrats"" "subject:"christian femocrats""
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What makes leaders think war? Foreign military intervention decision making in post-cold war GermanyMartinson, Jeffrey D. 02 December 2005 (has links)
No description available.
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A Precarious Solidarity : Between Christian Democratic and Social Democratic Understandings of Solidarity Concerning Reallocation of RefugeesJakobsen, Joan Pauli Dahl January 2018 (has links)
The challenge of immigration has divided EU member states, political parties, media and academia as well as the electorate of EU countries, leaving political decision makers under tremendous pressure on both national and EU level. To alleviate the situation for highly burdened member states, the Commission has suggested a permanent relocation mechanism for refugees, but so far, many member states have been reluctant to accept higher shares of refugees. Some observers have labelled the situation a crisis of solidarity, challenging the idea of European integration, but also questioning the Union’s capacity to demonstrate solidarity between member states, and consequently its capacity to show solidarity with arriving refugees. By looking at European Parliament debates, this paper examines the main differences between the European Christian Democratic and Social Democratic understandings of solidarity and how these differences become visible in relation to relocation of refugees and asylum seekers between EU member states. The findings suggest that while there is some convergence, Christian Democrats are more inclined to consider refugees as a threat and to advocate the need of securing external borders than their Social Democratic counterparts. Social Democrats also to a larger extent favour the idea of making relocation mandatory, while many Christian Democrats emphasize the importance of subsidiarity. The findings can be associated with the foundational values of both party groups and their political understandings of solidarity. Most interestingly, however, this paper finds that the national level variance within these two party groups is frequently bigger, than between them – indicating that MEP’s understandings of solidarity are perhaps more strongly mediated by nationality than political affiliation.
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Partipolitiskt engagemang i den digitala eran : En kvalitativ fallstudie av det digitala utanförskapet inom små politiska partierTornemar, Kevin January 2023 (has links)
Since the breakthrough of digitization, the political parties have moved from running a physical to an increasingly digital operation. Today, parties use digital platforms as a megaphone to listen and dialogue with their members. Digital capabilities have influenced who can participate in internal party activities in the digital era. At the same time, members face different conditions for using digital platforms based on socioeconomic background and age. This study examines whether there is a digital exclusion among the older members of the Swedish Green Party and the Christian Democrats, two parties that face different conditions in their use of digital technology. The study finds empirical evidence of digital exclusion within both parties. The cultural exclusion the study identifies prevents members from participating in the internal party debate. Members who find it difficult to communicate via the parties' digital platforms are particularly vulnerable. The study supports the theory that the individual must master the purely technical aspects of digital platforms and manage the ideas that come with digital technology to be actively engaged in party politics in the digital era.
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Kristen värdegrund : En studie av Kristdemokratiska samhällspartiets utbildningspolitiska ställning i frågan om konfessionella friskolor åren 1984-1994. / Christian Values : The Swedish Christian democratic party´s view on confessional charter schools 1984-1994Brunet Johansson, Albert January 2018 (has links)
This study has investigated how the Swedish Christian Democratic Party (KDS) argued for the right of private actors to operate tax-funded schools outside of the public sector – charter schools. The hypothesis of this study was that KDS were openly positive to such a reform and saw it as a chance to run state-funded confessional schools.The study examined political texts produced by the party during a ten-year period, ranging from 1984 to 1994. The study’s methodological approach was one of a qualitative textual analysis, aided by a theoretical framework adapted from Samuel Moyn’s thesis in his book Christian Human Rights.The study concluded that there is empirical support to the thesis, and that KDS were very positive to a reform of the public school system in order to enable publicly funded private schools. There is less evidence to conclude that KDS intended for these schools to be confessional, although this study proposes that there is evidence to suggest as much.
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Målsättning riksdagen : Ett aktörsperspektiv på nya partiers inträde i det nationella parlamentet / Making the Breakthrough : An Agency-Centred Perspective on New Party Entrance into National ParliamentsBolin, Niklas January 2012 (has links)
During much of the 20th century, the national party systems of Western Europe remained largely unchanged. However, beginning in the 1970s, these frozen party systems slowly started to melt. As the number of parties has increased, the question of what explains new party entrance has also attracted more scholarly interest. Despite this increased attention, the study of new political parties still suffers from a structuralist bias. The implication is that the fates of new parties are decided almost exclusively by external factors. Some scholars focus on the institutional environment; others emphasize sociological explanations, such as the formation of new cleavages in society. Yet such non-actor-centred perspectives risk being excessively deterministic. They also struggle to explain why some parties succeed in gaining entrance to legislatures while others, seemingly under the same external circumstances, fail. In this thesis, therefore, a new way to study parties and their path to parliament is proposed. Starting with the notion that external conditions alone cannot explain new party entrance, the thesis takes an agency-based perspective. Three sets of strategies are identified as being important means for a party to influence its chances of getting into parliament. They concern the party's resources, its political project and its external relations. In what ways can supply and management of resources, policies and relations with other parties affect the potential for becoming a parliamentary party? Through four in-depth case studies of new entrants into the Swedish national parliament, the Riksdag, the thesis concludes that there are some important commonalities in their paths to parliament. Especially with regard to their resources and their political project, the empirical evidence supports the initial premise: new party entrance is unthinkable without successful strategic behaviour.
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Målsättning riksdagen : Ett aktörsperspektiv på nya partiers inträde i det nationella parlamentet / Making the Breakthrough : An Agency-Centred Perspective on New Party Entrance into National ParliamentsBolin, Niklas January 2012 (has links)
During much of the 20th century, the national party systems of Western Europe remained largely unchanged. However, beginning in the 1970s, these frozen party systems slowly started to melt. As the number of parties has increased, the question of what explains new party entrance has also attracted more scholarly interest. Despite this increased attention, the study of new political parties still suffers from a structuralist bias. The implication is that the fates of new parties are decided almost exclusively by external factors. Some scholars focus on the institutional environment; others emphasize sociological explanations, such as the formation of new cleavages in society. Yet such non-actor-centred perspectives risk being excessively deterministic. They also struggle to explain why some parties succeed in gaining entrance to legislatures while others, seemingly under the same external circumstances, fail. In this thesis, therefore, a new way to study parties and their path to parliament is proposed. Starting with the notion that external conditions alone cannot explain new party entrance, the thesis takes an agency-based perspective. Three sets of strategies are identified as being important means for a party to influence its chances of getting into parliament. They concern the party's resources, its political project and its external relations. In what ways can supply and management of resources, policies and relations with other parties affect the potential for becoming a parliamentary party? Through four in-depth case studies of new entrants into the Swedish national parliament, the Riksdag, the thesis concludes that there are some important commonalities in their paths to parliament. Especially with regard to their resources and their political project, the empirical evidence supports the initial premise: new party entrance is unthinkable without successful strategic behaviour.
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Konservatism – ett omöjligt ideal? : En jämförande idéanalys av Moderaternas, Kristdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas syn på konservatismLinkyte, Violeta January 2021 (has links)
The focus of this thesis lies on tracing the similarities and differences between Liberal conservatism, Christian democracy and National conservatism, its relationship to the Moderates, Christian Democrats and Sweden Democrats' parties’ own interpretations of conservatism with a further ambition to discuss the ideological preconditions of a conservative parliamentary coalition. This study is based on the assumption that differences and similarities between various types of conservatism depend on relationship between political ideas and political practice. This relationship explains by a model that divides conservatism into fundamental and operative elements. The fundamental element of conservatism is an idea of human imperfection which leads to political skepticism, traditionalism and organicism. Operative elements are identified with support in the classical literature that describes the meaning of each type of conservative practice in a particular context. Furthermore, a typology of three ideal types of conservatism derives from fundamental and operational elements. Based on this typology, the parties' own manifesto is analyzed. The results show that the parties' own interpretations of conservatism contain both similarities that correspond to the fundamental elements and differences that are explained by the contextdependent operative elements. The thesis then opens up for a discussion about how those ideological similarities and differences affects possibilities for a conservative parliamentary coalition.
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Partiers förändrade policyställning – kan de förklaras? : En tidsöverskridande teoriprövning av Downs baserat på Kristdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraternas valmanifest från 2002–2018Hagström, Jessica January 2021 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to analyse the Christian democrats and the Sweden democrats’ ideological changes regarding their law and order and migration policies based on their election manifests from 2002-2018. The aim is then to explain these changes with the help of Downs (1957) based on cooperation, ideological superiority, and internal party changes. The question is whether the political parties have become ideologically and politically similar and if Downs (1957) theory will be able to explain this. The chosen method for the study is a theory testing case-study with an ideological analysis compared over time. The political parties’ ideological changes are shown in a descriptive analysis upon which Downs (1957) theory is applied. The study’s conclusion is that the theory can be used to explain the political parties ideological and political convergence. However, it cannot conclude which aspect that has been the most significant to explain the ideological changes that have occurred.
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Vilka är effekterna av problemet? : En policyanalys av Kristdemokraternas problempresentation gällande låst föräldrapenning / What are the effects of the problem? : A policy analysis of the Christian Democrats' problem presentation regarding reserved parental leaveEklund, Julia January 2020 (has links)
Despite the fact that the introduction of reserved parental leave has resulted in a success for gender equality in general, there are parties in the Swedish Parliament that oppose this reform, the Christian Democrats being one of them. The purpose of the study was therefore to study the effects of the Christian Democrats' problem presentation regarding reserved parental leave. The essay's three research questions came from Carol Bacchi's WPR-approach, which aimed to find the party's problem presentation regarding reserved parental leave, what presuppositions these where based on, and what discursive and subjectification effects this gives. The study shows that the problem where parents' freedom of choice and high sickness rates. Based on feminist poststructuralism, we could see that the presuppositions turned out to be about a constructed categorization where sexual characteristics are set against each other. Finally, the study shows that this had several discursive- and subjectification effects where alternative problem presentations were excluded, and that individuals are limited based on the framework that the discourse sets up, which subjectifies people based on gender.
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Har riksdagspartierna blivit populister? : En jämförande studie av Almedalstalen 2015 jämfört med Almedalstalen 2016Huikuri, Pasi January 2016 (has links)
This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.
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