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Ett Radikalt Högerpopulistiskt Parti i Regeringen : En studie av FPÖ och dess valframgång i Österrike 1999 / A Radical Right Populist Party in the Government : A study of FPÖ and its electoral success in Austria 1999Schulstad, Mattias January 2005 (has links)
<p>In this research paper I have interpreted and analysed how it is possible for a Radical Right Populist Party such as FPÖ (The Freedom Party) to obtain electoral success in the end of the last millennium. In 1999 they were elected into the national legislative parliament with 26.9% of the votes and participated in the Shüssel government from February 2000. I believe this is an extreme case study and my method is the so called Disciplined-configurative case study. I’ve conducted this study by using earlier published research and than dividing these old theories into to three analytical categories. By doing this I hopefully came closer to understand the problem with FPÖ: s electoral success in a better way than before. The interpretation of the data was enabled by a structural theory-method and my findings were that the FPÖ used the rapid and macro-societal changes in an effective way by mobilising a great share of some strata that to some extent were of a cross-class nature in the Austrian electorate 1999. This was possible as a consequence of bad management by the conventional political parties (SPÖ, ÖVP) and their party-functionaries. Other findings were that the electorate system is crucial for the success of Radical Right Populist Partiers such as FPÖ and that the Austrian party system was a match with its low threshold for parliamentary representation and its proportional electoral system.</p><p>Key words: Radical Right Populist Parties, FPÖ, Austrian domestic politics</p>
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Nato i vår tid : Moderaternas förändrade hållning till ett Nato-medlemskap / Nato in our time : The moderate party political changing attitude towards a Nato membershipStenbäck, Lisa January 2018 (has links)
The purpose of this study is to gain an increased understanding of the Moderate partys’ changed attitude towards a Swedish NATO membership. The study will be based on domestic and international foreign policy factors which underpin the changing attitude. The most suitable choice to fulfill the purpose of this study and answer the research question is to use a case study as a method. Initially the reader will be presented with a background of the moderate partys history and the perception of a Swedish NATO membership. The foundation which this study is based and analyzed on is the Swedish Foreign Declaration of the following years 2005, 2007, 2014 and 2015. Reports of the public opinion and the moderate voters attitude towards a membership is used as well. Previous research will be presented in order to gain a deeper understanding of politics policy change. Results and analysis shows that the moderate partys´ political changing attitude is partly due to a more alter worldview with increased threats and disorder in our vicinity. Other results indicate an increasing support from both public opinion and the moderate voters but also from the Alliance parties. These results can give a deeper understanding why the moderate party have chosen to take action and unanimous want Sweden to apply for membership in NATO.
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Demokrati och autokrati i kris: : en komparativ analys av Sverige och Irans inrikes- och utrikespolitik under Coronavirusets utbrottHolt, Valdemar January 2020 (has links)
Sweden and Iran are faced with a similar societal crisis following the outbreak of the new Coronavirus but are in many ways fundamentally different countries. Using the MSSD (Most Similar System Design) the study aims to explore similarities and differences in crisis management between the two countries through a comparative analysis of certain facets within domestic (education, freedom and rights) and foreign policy (migration and international relations). The starting point is to assume the Coronavirus as the central explanatory variable, additionally the underlying theoretical debate concerning the relationship between ‘legitimacy’ and ‘effectiveness’ adds another analytical dimension. The study found major differences between Swedish and Iranian crisis management, primarily regarding what policies were enacted but also in the effect these had. Although Sweden and Iran assume similar travel restrictions, the latter is facing a strong migratory current out of the country, in stark contrast to the former. Additionally, when confronted with similar problems, such as fear of an increase in domestic violence, the two countries react differently. The differences in governmental form, national statistics and aspects such as religion and demography appear to reveal themselves after policies are enacted, with limited effect on what exactly is enacted in the first place.
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Kan läroböcker öka elevernas deltagarkompetens i EU-frågor? : En kvalitativ studie om hur samhällskunskapsböcker skildrar EU / Can schoolbooks increase students' participate competence in EU issues? : A qualitative study on how schoolbooks in the subject of Social science portray the EUKälveus, David January 2020 (has links)
The purpose of the study is to investigate whether schoolbooks in social science contribute to the development of students' participate competence regarding to politics. To succeed in this, the books need to cover political knowledge on the basis of three dimensions (polity, policy and politics). Furthermore, the books will need to present the EU from an internal political perspective, which includes three different criteria. This will increase the student’s credence to the European Union’s political system. A qualitative text analysis has been applied to the study and the material includes four social science books that are related to two courses in social sciences in upper secondary school. The reason is that participant competence is a goal that is included in the content of the courses. The study shows that all dimensions are present in the books, but that the authors choose to prioritize the polity and policy dimension. The result also shows that the authors do not choose to write about different parties and ideologies within the EU, which affects the other dimensions. This indicates that the books meet two of three criteria regarding the portrayal of the EU from a domestic policy perspective. The result shows that the writers fail to highlight the pluralism of views in the EU political system. The conclusion drawn is that schoolbooks can increase students' competence if used more frequently by teachers in EU-education.
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EU-undervisning på YouTube : Europeiska unionens inrikespolitiska respektive utrikespolitiska inramning och dess integration i kunskapsområdet nationell politikÅström, Angelica, Lohsar, Mahnoor January 2024 (has links)
Digital undervisning har blivit alltmer vanligt i skolans värld vilket har många fördelar. Tillgängligt undervisningsmaterial, öppet för alla att ta del av, består bland annat av videor på YouTube. Däremot finns det inte mycket forskning kring lärare och undervisningsmaterial på sociala medier som YouTube då dessa tillvägagångsätt fortfarande är väldigt nya, med tanke på teknologins snabba utveckling. Denna studie ämnar ta reda på hur lärare framställer undervisningsinnehåll om EU, närmare bestämt om EU-undervisningen ges en inrikespolitisk eller utrikespolitisk inramning. Studien syftar även till att ta reda på hur EU integreras i undervisning om nationell politik. Materialet består av ett flertal videor uppladdade av tre olika lärare på YouTube vars undervisningsinnehåll analyseras. Undersökningen kommer fram till att lärare tar upp olika ämnesinnehåll kring EU och därför inramas det också på olika sätt när det kommer till inrikespolitiska och utrikespolitiska kännetecken. Denna studie kan bidra till att hjälpa lärare förstå hur de kan lägga upp undervisningen om EU med hjälp av YouTube som ett digitalt verktyg. Studien kan även ge blivande och erfarna lärare verktyg att ge undervisningen en inrikespolitisk inramning med rätt förutsättningar att främja en politisk deltagarkompetens på EU-nivå hos eleverna.
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Ett Radikalt Högerpopulistiskt Parti i Regeringen : En studie av FPÖ och dess valframgång i Österrike 1999 / A Radical Right Populist Party in the Government : A study of FPÖ and its electoral success in Austria 1999Schulstad, Mattias January 2005 (has links)
In this research paper I have interpreted and analysed how it is possible for a Radical Right Populist Party such as FPÖ (The Freedom Party) to obtain electoral success in the end of the last millennium. In 1999 they were elected into the national legislative parliament with 26.9% of the votes and participated in the Shüssel government from February 2000. I believe this is an extreme case study and my method is the so called Disciplined-configurative case study. I’ve conducted this study by using earlier published research and than dividing these old theories into to three analytical categories. By doing this I hopefully came closer to understand the problem with FPÖ: s electoral success in a better way than before. The interpretation of the data was enabled by a structural theory-method and my findings were that the FPÖ used the rapid and macro-societal changes in an effective way by mobilising a great share of some strata that to some extent were of a cross-class nature in the Austrian electorate 1999. This was possible as a consequence of bad management by the conventional political parties (SPÖ, ÖVP) and their party-functionaries. Other findings were that the electorate system is crucial for the success of Radical Right Populist Partiers such as FPÖ and that the Austrian party system was a match with its low threshold for parliamentary representation and its proportional electoral system. Key words: Radical Right Populist Parties, FPÖ, Austrian domestic politics
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Svensk frikyrklighet och högerpopulism: immun eller mottaglig? : en jämförande idéanalys av evangelikal kristen opinionsbildning / Free churches in Sweden and right wing populism: immune or susceptible? : an analysis of ideas comparing editorials in evangelical pressCasselbrant, André January 2022 (has links)
Is religion a vaccine against radical right populism? The opposite has often been taken for granted in many debates. This study tests the theory of religious immunity by examining three Swedish evangelical newspapers: Dagen, Världen idag and Sändaren. By performing an analysis of ideas on evangelical contribution to public debate in the years of 2010 and 2021, the degree of radical right populism is estimated. Differences between the newspapers and change over time are the investigation’s comparative elements. By utilizing theological variation among the cases and the development over time, the strength and endurance of the immunity is examined. Results show an evangelical opinion making in change. From a starting point in 2010, where all cases proved a solid immunity, to a more complex picture in 2021. Two parallel trends where observed: the immunity found in Dagen and Sändaren endured the test of time. At the same time, Världen idag developed a radical right tendency, harmonizing with the Christian Democratic party. Being a least likely case, the turn in Världen idag does not write off the theory of immunity, but challenges the idea of evangelical homogeneity in regard to radical right populism. Theological ideas about the nation is suggested being a possible division. In whole, this study has deepened our knowledge in how theological motives are used to affect the connection between religion and radical right populism, and given a more nuanced understanding of evangelical politics in Sweden.
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