A presente dissertação tem como tema o direito à água e objetiva compreender como se dá sua inserção no Direito Internacional. Para tanto, pretende-se analisar o tratamento dado pelo Direito Internacional do Meio Ambiente e especialmente pelo Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos às questões relativas ao acesso à água, assim como à prioridade na alocação dos recursos hídricos para a satisfação das necessidades humanas. Inicialmente, procede-se a uma investigação analítica das principais discussões a respeito do acesso e da preservação da água, notadamente aquelas realizadas em conferências internacionais de cunho ambiental e explicitadas nas diversas declarações da comunidade internacional. Dedica-se, ainda de forma analítica, a refazer o caminho que levou ao reconhecimento do direito à água no âmbito dos direitos humanos, com o intuito de definir as suas bases normativas e jurisprudenciais. Finalmente, visando fornecer parâmetros doutrinários, normativos e jurisprudenciais para a ampla compreensão da presença e dos contornos do direito à água no Direito Internacional, procede-se à análise de seu conteúdo em termos de direitos e obrigações, das implicações de sua afirmação como um direito humano, assim como dos diversos aspectos de sua natureza jurídica. / The subject of this academic work is the right to water and it aims to understand the insertion of this human right in International Law. With that in mind, the present study intends to analyze the ways which International Environmental Law and mainly International Human Rights Law deal with issues of water access, as well as with priorities in the allocation of water resources to supply the human needs. It initially proceeds to an analytical investigation of the main discussions with regards to water access and water conservation, mostly carried out at international conferences and announced in a number of declarations on environmental issues made by the international community. This study also commits to revise the path that led to the recognition of the right to water in the human rights field, aiming to determine its normative and jurisprudential basis. Finally, in order to provide doctrinal, normative and jurisprudential parameters for a better understanding of the presence and configuration of the right to water in International Law, this work subsequently focuses on the analysis of its content in terms of rights and obligations, on the implications of its formulation as a human right, as well as on the varied aspects of its legal nature.

The significance of the margin of appreciation doctrine has been underscored recently with the adoption of Protocol No 15 which calls for the inclusion of the terms 'margin of appreciation' and 'subsidiarity' in the Preamble of the European Convention on Human Rights. This development reflects the disquiet amongst member States to the Convention that the doctrine is not being given enough weight by the European Court of Human Rights in the determination of cases before it. One of the interpretive tools that is perceived to be having a negative effect on the margin of appreciation is the living instrument doctrine which has been blamed for narrowing the margin of appreciation afforded to States. This thesis brings an original contribution to the literature in this area by considering the interaction between the margin of appreciation and living instrument doctrines in the case law of the Court. The contribution is achieved in two ways: (a) methodologically: through the methodology adopted which is a combination of the quantitative method of descriptive statistics and the qualitative method of doctrinal textual analysis; (b) substantively: through the systematic examination of the case law of the Court from January 1979 to December 2016 in which both the margin of appreciation and living instrument doctrines are present. The lens of the relationship between rights and duties is applied to the case analysis. The case analysis is used to draw conclusions on the nature of the relationship and whether living instrument arguments are superseding the margin of appreciation doctrine where there is conflict. The results of the case analysis also shows distinctions in the interpretive approaches of the Court at the admissibility and compliance stages. The overall results of the study show that there are a variety of ways in which interaction takes place between both doctrines and the nature of both doctrines will continue to require a close interaction between the Court and the State parties in their compliance with obligations under the Convention.

Since 1945, there has been a proliferation of armed groups in conflict theatres across the globe. Although these groups exist outside of the regular forces of States, they are in most instances supported and controlled by States. Despite this, the complicit support of States in the commission of international crimes by armed groups is not recognised under international law and the tests of control through which the conduct of individuals could be attributed to States are almost impossible to meet. This allows States to maintain compelling roles in international crimes committed by armed groups with impunity. Despite this, the role played by States in modern international conflict has received only intermittent attention in the literature. This thesis seeks to address this disparity by addressing the critical role of State support of armed groups in the commission of international crimes by challenging the existing tests of attribution of conduct to States under the present rules of international responsibility. Therefore this thesis asks whether there can be variation to the current tests for attribution of conduct of individuals who are members of non-State armed groups to States which provide support to them, by approaching the interpretation of "control" in a purposive, less literal manner. It argues this by analysing the limitations of the current law through selected case studies. It further examines alternative approaches in the fields of international human rights law and international criminal law, again through selected case studies with a view to determining whether they can assist in crafting more purposive approaches towards the determination of State control over armed groups. This will augment the current corpus of literature by suggesting improvements that can, hopefully, pass into the lex lata and stymie continued State impunity in this area.

This thesis aims to explore the disconnect between calls for safe zones as a tool of humanitarian intervention, and the dark history of safe zone failure. This thesis begins with a brief discussion of current calls for safe zones in Syria, and how a proper theoretical framework and historical understanding are needed to discuss whether or not safe zones can be successfully implemented in Syria. The following literature review discusses not only prominent academic arguments and the history of humanitarian intervention, but it suggests a framework for deconstructing case studies. This framework looks first at the interests of an intervening actor. The level of interest of that actor directly informs its willingness to overcome the challenges of safe zone implementation. The challenges of safe zone implementation are both practical and existential. If an actor’s interest in a given crisis is not great enough to make it willing to overcome these practical and existential challenges, or the actor is willing to overcome them but lacks the ability to do so, the safe zone will fail. In most cases of failed safe zones, moral hazard plays a role. Moral hazard can be evident in either the intervening actor’s decisions or the decisions of the international community to support or not support the intervention. This thesis then deconstructs three historical cases of safe zones with this method: Srebrenica in Bosnia, Operation Provide Comfort in Iraqi Kurdistan, and Operation Turquoise in Rwanda. Following these three case studies, this paper discusses safe zones in Syria with the help of this method and the broad historical understanding of safe zones established through the case studies. This thesis concludes with a discussion of how the analysis and available historical cases show that safe zones are dangerous tools of humanitarian intervention and should not be undertaken without adequate levels of interest and willingness to address challenges.

Ce travail porte sur ce qu'il définit comme des États fantoches ou encore des exemples d'occupation masquée. Afin d’éviter les conséquences politiques et particulièrement les obligations légales qu'imposent le droit international humanitaire et le droit international en général au pouvoir d'occupation, de plus en plus d'États créent des entités sécessionnistes à l'intérieur d'autres ¬États. Ces entités sécessionnistes, qui ont tous les aspects d'un État de fait, sont en réalité contrôlées par l’État commanditaire. En outre, ce dernier non seulement utilise la force militaire pour établir un État fantoche, mais contrôle sa vie quotidienne par des moyens militaires, économiques et politiques. Cinq régions dans le monde sont dans cette situation, tandis qu'une sixième est en cours de création en Ukraine de l'Est. En effet, la Chypre du Nord, le Haut Karabakh, la Transnistrie, l'Ossétie du Sud et l'Abkhazie peuvent tous être définis comme des États fantoches. Le statut peu clair de ces régions en fait des lieux d'impunité totale, des régions qui échappent à l'application du droit international. Non seulement les commanditaires de ces entités échappent au droit international humanitaire, mais les États fantoches sont des trous noirs dans le droit international en matière de protection des droits de l'homme, et des lieux où il est facile de se livrer à du trafic et à de la vente illégale d'armes pour le compte des États commanditaires – des zones d'impunité presque totale. La thèse analyse ce phénomène dans une perspective critique et dévoile les lacunes juridiques qui permettent l'utilisation d'états fantoche pour échapper à la charge du droit international humanitaire, tout en traçant les moyens possibles de résoudre ce problème. / This research deals with what it defines as puppet states or instances of covert occupation. In order to bypass the political burden and especially the legal obligations which international humanitarian law and general international law impose on the occupying power, a growing trend has come into place for states to create secessionist entities within another state. These secessionist entities, which have all outside aspects of a de facto state, are in fact effectively controlled by their sponsor state. Furthermore, the sponsor state not only establishes the puppet state through military force, but also controls its everyday life through the use of military, economic and political means, leading to a de facto annexation of the given territory. Five regions in the world are in this situation, while a sixth is under creation in Eastern Ukraine. Northern Cyprus, Nagorno Karabakh, Transnistria, South Ossetia and Abkhazia can all be defined as puppet states. The unclear status of these regions makes them areas of impunity, regions which largely fall outside the implementation of international humanitarian law. The present research analyzes this phenomenon from a critical perspective and unveils the legal gaps that enable the use of puppet states for escaping the burden of international humanitarian law, while mapping possible ways of tackling this problem.

Migration is a phenomenon wherein individuals relocate from one country to another, albeit temporarily or permanently, for numerous reasons. The State of Qatar is a highly diverse nation with a large population of foreign residents. According to Priya D’Souza, as of 2017, 60 percent of the resident population in Qatar are from South Asia. Growing up in this environment, third culture kids develop a unique, hybrid culture through experiencing multiple cultures. This research investigates a dichotomy of belonging from the perspective of South Asians in Qatar. A series of hybridized spinning tops were produced in collaboration with a South Asian artisan. These hybridized artifacts are infused with sensory materials in order to elicit an emotive response, engage memory, and celebrate the merging of diverse cultures.

In this paper, the author looks at the impact of the policy of federal recognition on a Los Angeles basin Native community: the Gabrielino Tongva. The first section, the literature review focuses on the difficulties of defining “indigenousness” in the academic and political realms, as well as looking at Native scholars’ conceptualization of this unique and multifaceted identity. After a consideration of the theoretical framework of the study, the crossroads between anthropology and public policy analysis, the author presents the tools she used in her study, namely: participant observation, key-informant interviews, and the analysis of published documents and personal files. The section ends with a review of ethical concerns pertaining to doing research with indigenous people. The historical section comprises an analysis of archives and published works about the Tongva and the federal recognition process. Starting by a brief report of major policies that have impacted Native American rights in the U.S. and the evolution of government relations with indigenous communities, the author looks at the legacy of the Tongva people in L.A. today, paying special attention to past efforts at obtaining federal recognition and political divides within the tribe. The analysis is structured according to the different levels of recognition that the author perceived through her research. “Capital R”, or federal recognition is explored through its impact on the individual and the group, and followed by an account of current efforts towards community recognition – “lower-case r.” The paper ends on recommendations for future policies and a personal reflection about the research and its results.

In this paper, the author looks at the impact of the policy of federal recognition on a Los Angeles basin Native community: the Gabrielino Tongva. The first section, the literature review focuses on the difficulties of defining “indigenousness” in the academic and political realms, as well as looking at Native scholars’ conceptualization of this unique and multifaceted identity. After a consideration of the theoretical framework of the study, the crossroads between anthropology and public policy analysis, the author presents the tools she used in her study, namely: participant observation, key-informant interviews, and the analysis of published documents and personal files. The section ends with a review of ethical concerns pertaining to doing research with indigenous people. The historical section comprises an analysis of archives and published works about the Tongva and the federal recognition process. Starting by a brief report of major policies that have impacted Native American rights in the U.S. and the evolution of government relations with indigenous communities, the author looks at the legacy of the Tongva people in L.A. today, paying special attention to past efforts at obtaining federal recognition and political divides within the tribe. The analysis is structured according to the different levels of recognition that the author perceived through her research. “Capital R”, or federal recognition is explored through its impact on the individual and the group, and followed by an account of current efforts towards community recognition – “lower-case r.” The paper ends on recommendations for future policies and a personal reflection about the research and its results.

My thesis evaluates the current situation of sexual minorities in the Karas region of Namibia by interpreting the values of the Namibian society in the context of Christian ethics. The first part of my thesis explains the methodology I have used and defines key terms used in the thesis. The second part provides an insight into the living conditions of homosexuals in Namibian society in the context of religion, traditions and legislation applying to this issue. The third part deals with the Christian ethical perspective of homosexuality in the context of natural religions and human rights.

Pays à majorité musulmane sunnite de rite malékite, l'Algérie connaît néanmoins une pluralité religieuse. Ce pluralisme existe au sein même de l'islam, avec la présence d'ibadites et de chiites. Les ahmadis, eux, ne sont apparus dans le paysage juridique algérien qu'en 2016, à la suite d'une série d'arrestations. Quant aux non-musulmans, si la présence de catholiques et de juifs fait partie de l'histoire de l'Algérie, celle des protestants évangéliques n'a acquis une véritable visibilité qu'à la suite d'une campagne de presse faisant état de conversions massives en 2004. Une ordonnance fixant les conditions et règles d'exercice des cultes autres que musulman a alors été adoptée en 2006 avant d'être approuvée par une loi. A travers l'étude du statut juridique des minorités religieuses, la question plus générale de la place de la liberté religieuse en Algérie se pose. Comment est-elle garantie? L'est-elle de jure, au regard de la Constitution algérienne et des engagements internationaux de l'Algérie et l'est-elle également de facto? Dans quelle mesure l'Ordonnance de 2006 et les dispositions du Code pénal concernant l'atteinte à l'islam sont-elles appliquées ? Les arrestations et les condamnations de citoyens pour prosélytisme ou atteinte à l'islam sont-elles révélatrices d'une volonté des autorités et de la justice algériennes de lutter contre la présence des minorités religieuses et de préserver la place de l' islam, religion de l’État ? Cette thèse cherche à montrer que malgré le refus de l’État de qualifier juridiquement les non-musulmans de minorités religieuses, ces groupes répondent bien à la définition qui en est donnée par le droit international. Elle analyse également leur statut dans le droit algérien contemporain, aussi bien dans la sphère publique - références religieuses dans la constitution et exercice collectif du culte - qu'au niveau du droit privé - statut personnel y compris le droit successoral mais aussi pénalisation de certains comportements. En guise de conclusion, des pistes de réformes sont proposées afin d'améliorer le statut juridique des minorités religieuses en Algérie. / A mostly Sunni Muslim country -of Malaki rite -Algeria nonetheless presents a religious plurality. This plurality exists within Islam, with the presence of Ibadis and Shias. Ahmadis only appeared in the Algerian legal landscape in 2016, after a series of arrests. As for non-Muslims, if the presence of Jews and Catholics is part of Algeria's history, that of evangelical Protestants only acquired a real visibility after a press campaign reporting mass conversion in 2004. An ordinance setting conditions for public worship of other cults than Islam was then adopted in 2006, before being approved by a law. Through the study of the legal status of religions minorities, a broader interrogation about the place of freedom of religion in Algeria can be raised. How is this freedom guaranteed ? Is it de jure, in view of the Algerian Constitution and Algeria's international commitments, or is it also de facto? To what extent are the 2006 ordinance and the provisions of the Penal Code implemented regarding offences against Islam ? Are arrests and convictions of citizens for proselytism or offence against Islam an indication of the willingness of the authorities and of the Algerian judiciary to fight against the presence of religious minorities and to maintain Islam's status as the state's religion ? This thesis seeks to show that despite the state's refusal to qualify legally non-Muslims as religious minorities, these groups do meet the definition of minorities given by international law. It also analyzes their status in contemporary Algerian law, both in the public sphere -religious references in the Constitution and collective public worship -and in private law -persona! status, including inheritance rights and the penalization of certain behaviors. As a conclusion, some leads towards reforms are suggested in order to improve the legal status of religious minorities in Algeria.