Beyond the material consequences, violence can have a great psychological impact on the individual. Violence can cause institutional and interpersonal distrust, and in turn harm economic growth and political stability. As of today, there is more knowledge about the consequences of trust than its determinants, and longitudinal studies are scarce. This paper exploits survey data and disaggregated data on violence from Mexico, a country which since 2007 has experienced a rapid increase in violence. With the use of a Linear Fixed Effects Model, I analyse the impact of municipal level violence on trust in crime-related institutions and in other individuals. I find a significant relationship, robust across different model specifications, between exposure to battles and trust in the federal, state, and municipal police forces. This positive effect is also found for battles involving police forces. Furthermore, I find evidence of a negative relationship between riots and interpersonal trust.

The response to civil disturbances has historically been the aggressive use of force or escalation with tactics such as the use of police dogs, armed federal troops during war protests, and police field forces. These types of tactics can escalate tensions between protestors and police and only add to the violence and destruction of the incident. To reduce the violence between protestors and the police and the destruction often associated with civil disturbances, it is necessary to examine the need to include de-escalation techniques in the responses. This study utilized 3 theoretical frameworks, the chaos theory, the behavioral decision theory and the strain theory, all which complement each other in interpreting the opinions and experiences of participants and civil disturbance responses. The research questions were used to determine the influence of experience, training, personal biases or external influences on decision making and elicit the opinions of respondents in how they would respond to a civil disturbance. Twenty-five respondents responsible for policy or response decisions regarding civil disturbances from southern U.S. state emergency management and law enforcement agencies took part in the survey. The results of a cross-tabulation analysis determined that there is a need for the inclusion of de-escalation techniques and that they would be effective in civil disturbances. The results also showed that an aggressive response was the preferred method to restoring or maintaining order, but there was a need to examine changes in response tactics. This study may be beneficial and provide a social impact through policy changes, which may lead to a lessening of the severity and scope of an incident.

This paper provides a closer analysis of the discourse in doxing in a sample of digital and printed US and European media with a particular focus on the Capitol riots. The analysis centers around the following questions: How is doxing portrayed? How are its victims and perpetrators portrayed? What expressions about doxing appear depending on who performs the act versus being exposed? When it comes to how doxing is valued in the discourse, there are three categories that determine how the discourse is portrayed. (1) Who is behind the doxing? (2) who is the target of doxing? (3) What is the purpose of doxing? These categories work in symbiosis with each other. A positive notion of the doxxer, a negative notion about the person being doxxed and a justified purpose is needed for it to be valued in the discourse. Two main types of doxing could be distinguished that are framed in different ways in the discourse, doxing for malicious purposes and doxing for political purposes. In relation to the U.S capitol riots, Doxing was recontextualized. The change is explained trough (Re-) definition, a ‘theoretical legitimation’ strategy where actions are legitimized through defining an action in terms of ‘another, moralized activity’.

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The financial misconduct and corruption at the very top of the class system that in 2008 caused the collapse of the world economy saw no reaction from the criminal justice system. In contrast, the 2011 English Riots at the bottom rungs of society, estimated to have caused 200 million pounds of damages, produced a ruthless response from the judiciary where sentences were almost treble the usual rate. Politicians were quick to condemn the rioters as mere wanton criminals and framing their actions within a behavioural explanation calling for severe punishments. My thesis’s aim is to show that it was instead decades of neoliberal policies that pushed these people to vent their frustration through rioting. Their ensuing anomic ethic is understood by considering the rioters’ actions through the prism of both Strain Theory and Institutional Anomie Theory. To contextualise their place within today’s capitalist society I categorized them within an emerging social class: The Precariat. Through a qualitative analysis of 17 interviews’ extracts, all that transpired was their desires to be active consumers by grabbing what they could; the riots were merely an excuse to bypass the structurally imposed limits that stood before the desired higher social status. This research speaks of an increasingly unequal society, which positions individual economic success above collective well-being. These disturbances are symptoms of a deep seated malaise and of a stripped-down manifestation of what neoliberalism really is. To reverse it, we ought to implement holistic socioeconomic policies that empower people through the creation of secure and well-paid jobs, encourage collectivism over individualism and that promote better education towards sustainable living and happiness.

Saturday Night and Sunday Morning marks the tenth anniversary of the Bradford riot of Saturday 7 to Sunday 8 July 2001. The day began with a peaceful demonstration against a banned Far Right march but ended in one of the most violent examples of unrest in Britain for 20 years. More than 320 police officers were injured as they battled rioters who hurled missiles and petrol bombs, pushed burning cars towards them and torched buildings. Criminal acts of looting characterised the final hours. Riot damages amounted to GBP7.5 million. In the aftermath, nearly 300 arrests took place and nearly 200 were charged with riot leading to prison sentences of four years or more. Images of the riot, and of a smaller disturbance which followed on one of its traditionally 'white' estates, have haunted Bradford ever since. Nine years later, in August 2010, Bradford faced another Far Right provocation. The English Defence League came in force to demonstrate against Bradford's Muslim population. Bradford braced itself. However this time, Asian lads mostly stayed off the streets and the police worked with the council, communities and local activists to keep order against the threat of violence. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning traces Bradford's journey over the decade, beginning with the voices of rioters, police and others interviewed after the 2001 riot and ending with those of former rioters, citizens, police and politicians following the EDL protest. The authors argue that while 2001 reflected a collective failure of Bradford District to address a social legacy of industrial decline in a multicultural context, 2010 revealed how leadership from above combined with leadership from below restored its confidence and opened up possibilities for a new era in Bradford's history and prospects. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning is written by two authors from the University's renowned Department of Peace Studies who balance research with an active commitment to peace, economic regeneration and social justice in Bradford.

Battle of the Corner: Urban Policing and Rioting in the United States, 1943-1971 provides a national history of police reform and police-citizen conflicts in marginalized urban neighborhoods in the three decades after World War II. Examining more than a dozen cities, the dissertation shows how big-city police brass and downtown-friendly municipal elites in the late 1940s and 1950s attempted to professionalize urban law enforcement and regulate rank-and-file discretion through Police-Community Relations programs and novel stop-and-frisk preventive patrol schemes. These efforts ultimately failed to produce diligent yet impartial street policing. Beginning in the late 1950s, and increasing in severity and frequency until the early 1960s, young black and Latino working-class urban residents surrounded, taunted, and attacked police officers making routine arrests. These crowd rescues garnered national attention and prepared the ground for the urban rebellions of 1964 to 1968, many of which began with a controversial police incident on a crowded street corner. While telling a national story, Battle of the Corner provides deeper local context for postwar changes to street policing through detailed case studies highlighting the various stakeholders in reform efforts. In the 1950s and 1960s, African-American activists, block clubs, residents, and politicians pressured police for effective but fair and accountable tactical policing to check rising criminal violence and street disorder in neighborhoods increasingly blighted by urban renewal. Rank-and-file police unions fought civilian review boards and used new collective bargaining rights to stage job actions to obtain higher wages. They also obtained “bill of rights” contract provisions to shield members from misconduct investigations. Police management took advantage of newly-available federal and local resources after the riots to reorganize their departments into top-down bureaucratic organizations capable of conducting stop-and-frisk on a more systematic scale. By the early 1970s, a rising generation of urban black politicians confronted skyrocketing rates of criminal violence, armed militants intent on waging war on the police, and a politically-empowered rank-and-file angry and combative over the more intense threats and pressures they faced on the job. Battle of the Corner breaks ground in telling a national story of policing that juxtaposes elite decision-making and street confrontations and that analyzes a wide range of actors who held a stake in securing order and justice in urban neighborhoods. In chronicling how urban police departments emerged from the profound institutional crisis of the 1960s with greater power, resources, and authority, Battle of the Corner provides a history and a frame for understanding policing controversies today. / History

The concept of community cohesion is the centrepiece of the policy that was formulated by the British government in response to the urban disturbances in northern English towns during 2001. A number of official reports identified lack of community cohesion as the critical factor. The central argument for community cohesion, the self-segregation thesis, was based on evidence from Bradford. The core idea, parallel lives, was first articulated in the Ouseley Report and incorporated into the Cantle Report and subsequent government reports into the 2001 disturbances. The Commission for Integration and Cohesion widened the concept of community cohesion, which encompassed faith and ethnic groups, to include income and generation, suggesting that the concept was more complex than earlier definitions allowed. However, the increasing concern with terrorism has meant that Muslims remain the focus of debates on cohesion, and a conflation of the community cohesion programme with the government's anti-terrorism strategy is evident in the policy literature. Samad's article is based on research carried out in Bradford to unearth and explore the factors that enhance or undermine community cohesion in those areas where there are established Muslim communities and, additionally, those in which Muslim migrants have recently arrived. It scrutinizes the debate on a number of issues: the difficulties in defining and implementing community cohesion policy, and the issues of segregation, social capital, transnationalism and belonging. This data-driven analysis takes the main areas of debate and tests them with evidence from Bradford. The research findings challenge some of the fundamental assumptions that have informed government policy by providing new evidence that throws light on central aspects of the debate. The need to reflect on these assumptions became more relevant after the English riots of 2011, centred in London, and the subsequent necessity to develop an effective strategy that engages with their root causes.

By conducting sound research to understand the concepts surrounding rioting and efficient riot response tactics, professionals, especially whose main job is to ensure the tranquility in the society, will be better prepared to deal with all kinds of civil movements. The purpose of this study, consequently, is to meet the growing need for educational materials in this area and to provide riot response case studies, which demonstrate the numerous administrative challenges faced by law enforcement decision makers. In this study, seven major riots from throughout the United States are discussed including the Hay Market Riot of 1886, the Watts Riot of 1965, and Los Angeles Riots of 1992. Each riot case is studied in five different and independent stages: the setting and pre-disturbance situation, basic causes of the event, the disturbance situation, the response to the riot, and the aftermath of the incident. The study of all of these stages is intended to help police administrators acquire a general perspective on collective violence, and help them prevent future occurrences in their jurisdictions. In this thesis a special reference is given to the deficiencies of American riot policing and some recommendations were formed accordingly. Therefore, the study concludes with a list of general recommendations, which are crucially important for concerned officials to pay attention before, during, and after a riot.

Etude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie, perspectives comparatistesCette thèse s’intéresse à l’étude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie. Pour ce faire, Elle tente de comprendre les mécanismes qui président au déclenchement de l’émeute. Cela passe d’abord par une interrogation sur les liens que peut entretenir l’émeute avec les différents contextes, puis par une proposition d’une perspective comparatiste entre les émeutes algériennes et françaises. Ce travail de recherche s’interroge sur les facteurs distinctifs qui expliquent la singularité des émeutes en Algérie, en accordant une attention particulière aux « répertoires d’actions » (Tilly et Tarrow, 2008) qui ont été utilisés par les jeunes émeutiers. Il s’agit aussi de s’intéresser aux questionnements sur la nature de système politique algérien et son rôle dans le déclenchement de l’émeute, ainsi que les conditions sociales favorables au passage à l’action émeutière. Cette étude sur la sociologie des émeutes se situe au carrefour de la sociologie et de la sociohistoire en s’appuyant à la fois sur des analyses qualitative et quantitative. Ce travail est axé sur des entrevues qualitatives menées en grande partie avec des jeunes. À cela se sont ajoutés des entretiens menés avec d’autres différents acteurs et ce, dans l’objectif de compléter notre enquête.Cette étude montre que le contexte politique occupe une grande place dans l’émergence de ce phénomène social qui est l’émeute. Celle-ci tire son origine dans la frustration ressentie par la jeunesse Algérienne au même titre que dans la fermeture du champ politique et la nature autoritaire de l’État algérien. Cette étude a mis en rapport l’émeute et le malaise social découlant d’abord d’un processus structuré, qui commence par la paupérisation et la précarisation des classes populaires. Ces émeutes ne sont pas détachées du contexte social et de cette « frustration relative » (Gurr, 1970 ; Corcuff, 2009). / Sociological study of riots in Algeria, comparative perspectives.This thesis deals with a sociological study about riots in Algeria. To do this, it seeks the comprehension of mechanisms that cause riots. It starts with questioning the links between riots and different contexts, and then it ends with a proposition of a comparison between riots in Algeria and France. This research paper tends to find out the distinguishing factors which explain the particularity of riots in Algeria through taking into account a special attention to “events repertory” (Tilly and Tarrow, 2008) that has been used by the rioters. It’s also a matter of questioning the nature of the Algerian political system and its role in the breaking up of these riots; as well as the social conditions that helped riots to break out.This sociological study of riots can be found between that of sociological history and sociology focusing on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. This work is based on qualitative interviews made mainly with young people. In addition to other interviews made with different categories of people for the purpose to end our investigation.This paper shows that the political context takes a great part in the emergence of this social phenomenon which is riot. This latter takes its origin from the deep frustration felt by the Algerian youth as well as the absence of political participation and the authoritarian nature of the Algerian political system.This study has put an emphasis on the relationship between riots and social difficulties resulted first from a structured process, and which begins with the pauperization and insecurity of the popular classes. These riots are not separated from the social context and what is called as “a relative frustration” (Gurr, 1970; Corcuff, 2009).