Dorota T. Moravská ABSTRACT: Diploma thesis "(De)securitization of the 'Jewish question' in Slovakia in the years 1945- 1948" examines how society in the post-war period approached the "Jewish question" from the perspective of the securitization theory. The thesis recognizes domestic and foreign dimension of the process and shows that in the society contradictory tendencies were present at the same time - while in the area of foreign policy people involved exerted pressure on the Slovak political elites to desecuritize the question, in the area of domestic relations the "involved public" took steps in the opposite direction. For this reason, the political elites were forced to face a (de)securitization dilemma. The thesis emphasizes the significance of social and historical context in which the process is anchored and in this light it observes the historical continuity of formation and development of the "Jewish question" in Slovakia, which is set in contrast to a radical change in the social context of the post-war period when the restitution of the Jewish property turned out to be a key factor influencing the course of events. As a result of post-war anti-Jewish moves and acts of violence against Jewish minority the "Jewish question" was politicized became a "necessity and urgency". Therefore the expected...

This project is an historical ethnography and a cultural history of the anti-black race riots and anti-abolition riots in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1829, 1836, and 1841. It is also a case history in an urban and commercial/early industrial context of the idea that violent social practices such as riots, as well as law and the customary practices of everyday living, are deployed as race making technologies, actually constructing racial categories. By extending this constructivist concept to the conversion of space to place through the human ascription of meaning, this study also examines racial violence as a strategy for place making - for establishing and maintaining Cincinnati as a white city, one in which the social practices of its white residents, including those of community development, consistently define and preserve the privileges of being white. Many sectors of the white-identified population performed this co-construction of race and place. Using a multi-disciplinary approach to method and theory, the discourses and practices of improvement - the community development of the period - and of race making in antebellum Cincinnati were analyzed using local newspapers and a variety of other published and unpublished sources from the period. Analysis of the overlapping discourses and practices of race making and the "Negro problem" and of improvement indicated that white Cincinnatians of all classes, men and women, participated in creating a local racialized culture of community development. This was a prevailing set of values and practices in the city based on assumptions about who could be improved, who could improve the city, and who should benefit from the city's improvements. The language of local improvement boosters was particularly powerful in synthesizing images of nation, region, and community in which a harmonious fit between the land, the virtuous population who comes to develop it, and the free and republican institutions they put on the land had no room for Negroes and mulattoes in the picture. White rioters, and those elites and city officials who enabled them to act, acted with them, or didn't stop them from assaulting Negroes, mulattoes, or the abolitionists who were their allies, and burning and looting their property, acted within a socio-cultural context of widespread local economic and social boosterism and improvementism. Using their local common sense about race relations, as well as about improving the community, the white residents of Cincinnati enacted a public strategy of community development to attempt to achieve a city with few Negroes. Racialized community development, instrumentalized though the collective violence of race riots and ant-abolition riots, made Cincinnati a whiter city.

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Why are some areas more resilient to riots than others? The literature seems divided on whether exposure to violence affects societies to become more resilient or more vulnerable to future violence. The most supported view is that "violence begets violence", but some studies suggest that riot exposed areas could possibly develop resilience. Potential resilience would arguably be the most noticeable in times of turmoil. As India had an outbreak of riot after the 2019 national election, it constitutes a good case to study. I therefore investigate whether riot exposure makes societies more resilient to violence or not, by looking at the probability that riot exposed areas in the pre-election period, had election-related riots after the election. The current thesis tests a hypothesis suggesting that there is lower probability that areas exposed to riots in the pre-election period experience riots in the post-election period, than in areas with no riot exposure in the pre-election period. By running a Linear Probability Model, on riot data in four Indian states, containing 1099 urban observations, the results of the thesis indicate that the hypothesis is unsubstantiated. Instead, an opposite relationship appears, which gives further support to the notion that “violence”, indeed, “begets violence”.

This dissertation is broadly concerned with the relationship between democracy and race in the United States federal government. To analyze this problem, I rely on archival research from the 1967-8 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (commonly known as the Kerner Commission, after chairperson Governor Otto Kerner) to examine how the discussion and management of hundreds of so-called "race riots" in the summer of 1967 both challenges civil disobedience and embodies structural racism. Employing a content analysis of the final 425-page Kerner Commission government report, I assess the categorization, labeling, and language used to describe and document the hundreds of "race riots" and related state violence through acts of police misconduct that engulfed the country in the summer of 1967. I rely heavily on the report and background research itself, as well as major books related to race riots and presidential commissions, such as Anthony Platt's 1971 The Politics of Riot Commissions and Steven Gillon's 2018 Separate and Unequal. I incorporate theories of exit and the entitlement to rights advanced in literature by scholars like Jennet Kirkpatrick, James C. Scott, and Hannah Arendt. This dissertation is concerned with the relationship between morality and civic participation in democratic politics. I analyze Christopher Kutz's book Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age to delve into the ramifications of democracy and US citizenship being considered a kind of "collective project" and further contemplate what obligations and implications exist for citizens in US democracy against racial injustice. Since the Kerner Commission coincided with the rise of "law and order" politics in the nation's political vernacular, it represents a unique opportunity to witness an ideological shift toward a Garrison state and neoliberal ethos, both of which undermine the country's espoused democratic values, resting on the grammar of equality and justice for all. The Kerner Commission can provide valuable lessons in studies of political domination that remain pertinent to overcoming oppression and injustice today. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation is broadly concerned with the relationship between democracy and race in the United States federal government. American democracy espouses moral virtues related to freedom and justice for all, and yet structural racism remains pervasive in how the government operates. To analyze this problem, I rely on archival research from the 1967-8 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (commonly known as the Kerner Commission, after chairperson Governor Otto Kerner) to examine how the discussion and management of hundreds of so-called “race riots” in the summer of 1967 both challenges civil disobedience and embodies structural racism. I rely heavily on the report and background research itself to do a content analysis. I also use major books related to race riots and presidential commissions, such as Anthony Platt’s 1971 The Politics of Riot Commissions and Steven Gillon’s 2018 Separate and Unequal. Given that this dissertation is concerned with how morality shapes civic participation in democratic politics, I analyze Christopher Kutz’s book Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age. Since the Kerner Commission coincided with the rise of “law and order” politics in the nation’s political vernacular, it represents a unique opportunity to witness an ideological shift toward a Garrison state and neoliberal ethos, both of which undermine the country’s espoused democratic values, resting on the grammar of equality and justice for all. Individual advocates as well as scholars can learn valuable lessons from the Kerner Commission about oppression and injustice in today’s society.

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本論文是在日本帝國經濟構造的脈絡之下，來檢討日本政府跟臺灣總督府在糧食政策制定過程的互動關係，以及臺灣總督府對臺灣米穀政策之調整。本論文以此問題意識出發，有幾點問題的釐清與發現，以下分別敘述之。 　　日本帝國在明治維新之後邁進產業革命化，在此之後日本帝國漸漸從農業國家變成工業國家，這導致勞動者與技術者流入都市，使都市人口增加率自1890年開始慢慢增加。這些大量流入都市的人口，導致日本帝國出現米穀不足的現象。為了解決國內米穀不足的問題，日本政府開始大量進口外國米，在日俄戰爭前後每年所需的外國米就有200到500萬石。 日本帝國糧食不足的問題也使日本在1900年之後從糧食出口國變成糧食進口國。 　　日本政府在面對糧食不足的問題時，主要是仰賴進口外國米來解決，殖民地米的進口則是處於輔助地位。此時，臺灣總督府為因應日本帝國糧食不足的問題，從1903年開始增加臺灣米移入到日本的數量。但是，這仍無法解決日本糧食不足的問題，因為臺灣米與日本米的口感不相同，所以輸出量無法提升。為此，臺灣總督府開始進行米穀的品種改良政策。 　　1918年受到米騷動的影響，日本政府開始構想包含日本米與殖民地米的糧食自給政策，並於1920年正式提出以日本國內的開墾事業及朝鮮米的增殖計劃為核心的方案。但是，糧食自給政策的施行並不順利，1924到1925年間的日本還面臨外匯嚴重不足的問題，日本政府便轉為注重殖民地米的輸入。此時，臺灣開發出蓬萊米、宣告米穀品種改良的成功，在此狀況下蓬萊米輸往日本的數量亦逐年提升。因為輸出量的提升，臺灣總督府在日本政府的要求之下，從1920年後半開始擬定蓬萊米增產計劃，並在1930年的「臨時產業調查會」被提出討論。由此可知，臺灣蓬萊米在此時對於日本的糧食政策之影響力，乃隨著輸出量提升而逐漸變大。 　　日本帝國在經歷世界大恐慌之後，因為日本國內米穀的大豐收，導致米穀過剩的狀況出現。為此，日本政府開始管制殖民地米輸往日本的數量，並在1933年提出了「米穀統制法」，以管制日本國內的米穀供需量。但是，因為「米穀統制法」而產生的高米價不僅沒有解決日本米大豐收的問題，反而使殖民地米輸往日本的數量不斷提升，尤其是指相對低價格的蓬萊米。為了解決這個問題，日本政府於1936年實施「米穀自治管理法」，加強對於殖民地米輸往日本移出量的控管。 　　在臺灣方面，日本政府為了控管蓬萊米的移出，要求臺灣總督府施行「臺灣米穀移出管理令」。雖然臺灣總督府在中日戰爭爆發後，被日本政府要求必須抑制米穀耕作面積的擴大，但臺灣總督府在聽命於日本政府的同時，也隨即提出了一漸進式的米穀增產計畫。這是因為自1920年代以來，蓬萊米輸往日本的數量擴大，並在日本糧食自給政策之中扮演重要角色，從而無形中提升臺灣在日本帝國的地位。但是，當蓬萊米輸日被限制後，就意味著此一重要性的喪失，這是臺灣總督府所不願意見到，這也是為何臺灣總督府從一開始就不願意放棄蓬萊米增產計畫的原因。 　　在1930年代日本政府為了解決日本米大豐收的問題而開始控管殖民地米之際，雖然有法規的限制，但蓬萊米輸往日本的數量並沒有減少。此外，當日本於1936年加強對殖民地米的管制，並進一步要求臺灣總督府必須施行米穀移出管理令時，臺灣總督府在不得不聽日本政府命令的同時，卻仍提出蓬萊米增殖計劃。 　　透過以上問題的處理，可以看出一開始臺灣總督府在面對日本政府的糧食政策時，主要是為了配合日本人的要求及提高對日本的移出量，並因此展開米穀改良政策。從這時候看來，臺灣總督府在米穀政策的擬定上，對日本政府是處在從屬位置，這樣的情況在1922年蓬萊米開發成功之後，慢慢改變。隨著蓬萊米的開發成功，臺灣米對日本的移出量漸漸上升，又因為日本政府外匯的缺乏與糧食自給政策施展不順利，蓬萊米對日本糧食自給政策的影響力逐漸提高，這也使得臺灣總督府的立場逐漸顯現。再加上，從日本政府蓬萊米增殖計劃的提出看來，臺灣總督府表面上是聽從了日本政府的命令，但實際仍是想要進行蓬萊米的增產。而且，臺灣總督府已經從最初從屬於日本政府，轉而漸漸有自己立場出現。為了保有臺灣在日本帝國的地位，臺灣總督府甚至在日本政府的限制下，仍是持續發展蓬萊米的增產計劃。 　　總的來說，透過1900年到1942年臺灣總督府與日本政府在糧食政策上面的互動，可以看出日本政府在施行糧食政策的時候，乃會因著國內的糧食狀況而隨時進行調整，臺灣總督府在這個過程中所展現出來的態度，也就不是一成不變。

The topic of the dissertation is the integration of Jewish citizens into the majority population between the years 1945-1948. It focuses primarily on three Jewish population groups in the Czech lands whose reintegration was fraught with difficulties. The groups in question were "German Jews", people who declared Jewish nationality, and Jewish optants from the former territory of Carpathian Ruthenia who decided to settle in Czechoslovakia after World War II. Their legal standing was unclear, in particular in the immediate post-war years. The most important issue for them was acquiring Czechoslovak citizenship, something that could help them become full-fledged citizens, and so had a significant impact on the future of these individuals. For this reason, the submitted work focuses on the bureaucratic actions that influenced the everyday lives of Jewish citizens. Many lower-level government clerks were unsure about how to proceed with the Jews' citizenship applications. The important criteria that often decided the outcome of the applications became the 1930 census, but especially the applicants' stated nationality or mother tongue. Furthermore, the dissertation focuses on the problems that the Jews faced when they were denied citizenship. For "German Jews", this meant being forcefully deported, while...