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This thesis examines how local leaders in Detroit, Michigan attempted to use the Detroit Tigers' World Series victory in 1968 to repair the city's image following the 1967 riot. First, this study looks at the history of race relations in Detroit, beginning with the founding of the city in 1701. Second, it analyzes the 1967 riot, which, up to that point, was the most destructive urban riot in American history. Finally, this thesis examines the public relations campaign of local leaders in 1968. They tried, unsuccessfully, to convince the public that Detroit's race relations could be healed through a sense of unity that the Tigers' success brought about. This study argues that Detroit's racial problems ran too deep and lasted for too long for a single, transient sporting event to have any sort of permanent effect. / Department of History

Based on the author's Thesis (Ph. D.--University of Denver, 1994). / Includes bibliographical references (p. [126]-179).

The environmental justice movement emerged after the civil rights movement and began as an attack on environmental racism, when communities of color and low-income experience disproportionately high levels of exposure to air pollution, water pollution, and toxic facilities. The environmental justice movement is not unitary in practice, nor should it be—environmental racism and injustice are manifested in different ways and scales. However, those exposed to environmental racism are unified under an identity in solidarity, known as the people of color identity in environmental justice. As the environmental justice movement has grown and taken shape to better address injustices of a racialized landscape, it has connected more closely with movements for spatial justice and immigrant rights to combat a detrimentally narrow focus of activism. This thesis explores the rise of community-based activism in the Los Angeles’ labor social justice organizing after the civil unrest in 1992. By employing a spatial framework to environmental activism in urban settings, Los Angeles is a particularly provoking case study for analyzing the regional environmental justice movement as well as the multi-scalar social justice organizing movement. Contextualizing Los Angeles’ community-based activism in a historic context in the first section and then analyzing components of social justice organizing across movements, this project attempts to contribute to the ongoing discussion on the development of identity in justice-seeking activism.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the use of historic memory  in relation to the riot’s in Gothemburg 14-16/6 2001. The empirical study is done through an examination, using a mainly qualitative method, of two Swedish tabloid papers (Aftonbladet and Expressen) published at the the time of the riot’s. The aim and goal for this study was to examine the process/struggle which took place over how the memory of this event was shaped. This study will show a more versatile, a true picture of that process. Also how different it was portrayed in the two tabloids and how those stories changed character daily depending on what happened.

Thesis (M. Dev. (Development & Management)) -- University of Limpopo, 2015 / The manifestation of violence during the constitutionally protected protest action is highly questionable and unexpected feature of, the democratic dispensation in South Africa. Moreover, the right to protest is provided with strong restrictions to violence. Literature has publicised the reasons advanced for these fierce violent public protests dominating the democratic state and they are amid the lack of service delivery, maladministration and political squabbles. However, the geographic area of the protests questions the legitimacy of the so called service delivery protests. Notwithstanding, the recent statistics that show an upward increase in the accessibility of basic services by South Africans. Thus, this study dismisses the idea that the fierce public protests are as a result of a lack of service delivery, maladministration or political squabbles. Considering the location of the protests which is mostly in informal settlements close to metropolitan cities where some services have been provided. Whereas, the rural communities that receive very minimal, and to some extent no services have recorded very few protests linked to service delivery. Therefore, this study locates the violent public protests in the demonstration effect due to the geographical area and the advanced influence of media. The study used scholarship analysis to scrutinise the textual data gathered on the rationale underlying the violent public protests in South Africa’s globally-acclaimed democratic dispensation.

The battle at Klågerup: Culture of history and the use of history in conjunction with Sweden’s last peasant uprising. During the early 1800’s the southern part of Sweden and its people was subjected to change in terms of agricultural management, also known as the great agricultural reform. This was only one of several aspects which affected the peasants towards a time of lesser status and rights. Eventually an unforeseen to some degree forced enlistment of 15. 000 peasants in southern Sweden became a decisive moment in Sweden’s history. In which the commoners revolted against the Swedish state at varying locations. However, one area in particular was affected by the peasants’ accumulated discontent. Namely a small village called Klågerup, which resulted in the Swedish government quelling the uprising in what can only be referred to as a blood bath. Approximately 23 peasants were killed in 1811 while the Swedish cavalry suffered no casualties according to records. The aim of this essay examines how people have used the memory of the Klågerup riots, in conjunction with two historical perspectives, which are culture of history and the use of history. The examination is done through the lens of a qualitative hermeneutic text analysis. The interest of examining the Klågerup riots in conjunction with the specific above-mentioned perspectives is based on an inspiration of Anders Dybelius’s thesis called “A sustainable memory? The use of history in relation to Georg Carl von Döbeln 1848 – 2009”. The material used in this examination includes newspapers, a play, a novel, scientifically researched historical literature, one historical monument and one building of historical value. All of the used material for analysis is referred to as artefacts. The analysis through the help of Klas-Göran Karlssons and Ulf Zanders typology in regard to use of history, and Dybelius’s perspective of local-ideology show interesting results. The result indicates that multiple purposes for the use of history is applicable on a majority of the used artefacts. Furthermore, regarding the culture of history based on Dybelius’s rendering of Jörn Rüsens tripartite thematization in terms of culture of history, resulted in three artefacts being categorized into each of the three themes. In total nine artefacts were analyzed regarding both the use of history and culture of history. A didactic reflection upon the use of history, culture of history and history awareness is presented in the end of this paper regarding how one might implement the three into the classroom and role of teaching

This study investigates how television coverage of the 1968 Democratic National Convention largely determined the negative public impression of the convention and its candidate. The coverage had a definite effect on the workings of the convention through the images and information it conveyed to the delegates. The coverage also shaped the broadcast picture of the event by linking the convention to the violence in the streets.

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What causes post-conflict violence to occur in some places emerging from extended violent conflict and not in others? Why does episodic post-conflict violence take different forms? And what causes episodic violence to escalate into larger renewed extended violence? This thesis contributes towards answers to these questions by examining the experience of Indonesia. Six provinces saw civil war or large-scale inter-communal unrest around the turn of the century. In each, war ended. Yet levels and forms of post-conflict violence vary significantly between areas. The Indonesian cases are used to build a theory of the sources of spatial and temporal variance in post-conflict violence. Multiple methods are employed. A new dataset, containing over 158,000 coded incidents, maps patterns of extended and post-conflict violence. Six districts in three provinces are then studied in depth. Comparative analysis of districts and provinces—drawing on over 300 field interviews—identifies the determinants of variations in post-conflict violence levels and forms. Adopting a political economy approach, the thesis develops a novel actor-based theory of post-conflict violence. Violence is not the result of failed elite bargains, dysfunctional inter-group relations, enduring grievances, or weak states. Instead, it flows from the incentives that three sets of actors—local elites, local violence specialists, and national elites—have to use violence for accumulation. Violence is used when it is beneficial, non-costly, and when other opportunities for getting ahead do not exist. How post-conflict resources are deployed, the degree to which those who use violence face sanctions, and the availability of peaceful means to achieve goals shape incentives and hence patterns of violence. Where only violence specialists support violence, post-conflict violence will take small-scale forms. Where local elites also support violence, escalation to frequent large episodic violence occurs. Extended violence only occurs where national elites also have reason to use violence for purposes of accumulation.