Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...

What determines that states receive a de-jure recognition is not clear today. The three worlddominant theories constitutive theory, declarative theory and secession-theory all claim different criteria' that a state must meet in order to have the right to be recognized. The purpose of the thesis is to understand if there is a theory that is decisive. The thesis analyses two states, one of which has received international recognition while the other one has not. The thesis concludes that all three theories have the necessary conditions that can lead to recognition. The conditions in the secession theory on having a referendum have proved to be one of the crucial requirements for recognition, at the same time it is fundamental for a new state to meet the declarative theory requirements to have the possibility of recognition at all. However, it is a theory that argues for the decisive criteria, and it is the constitutive theory that claims that recognition from other states, such as the central state, is the main factor in succeeding in obtaining de-jure recognition. Although the criteria's in the other theories are met, it is only after recognition by the central government that membership of the UN can be achieved. / Vad som avgör att utbrytarstater erhåller ett de-jure erkännade är idag inte tydligt. De tre världs dominerande teorierna konstitutiva teorin, deklarativa teorin och secession-teorin hävdar alla olika kriterier som en stat måste uppfylla för att ha rätt att erkännas. Syftet med uppsatsen är att förstå vad som krävs för en stat att kunna erhålla ett internationellt erkännande. För att kunna genomföra undersökningen har två stater analyserats där den ena fått ett internationellt erkännande och den andra inte. Uppsatsens slutsats är att alla tre teorier har nödvändiga villkor som kan leda till erkännande. Secession-teorins krav på att ha en folkomröstning visar på en enorm drivprocess till att erkännas, samtidigt så är det grundläggande för en nybliven stat att uppfylla den deklarativa teorin krav för att överhuvudtaget ha möjligheten till erkännande. Däremot kan man finna de avgörande villkoren i den konstitutiva teorin som menar att erkännande från andra stater, såsom central är den främsta faktorn till att lyckas erhålla ett dejure erkännande. Även om kriterierna i den resterande teorin är uppfyllda leder ett erkännande av centralstaten till ett medlemskap i FN som är varje utbrytarstats mål med att avskiljas

Gibraltar is the only dependent territory in Europe. Although it is a small area, Gibraltar mixes different factors that together form the so-called question of Gibraltar. Gibraltar belongs to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. It is a colony, which, however, has considerable autonomy. The process of gaining greater autonomy for the region began after the Second World War. The Gibraltar national consciousness was largely shaped by defining out against London and especially to Madrid. In this thesis I examine a process of the national consciousness from the point of view of the theories of secession. I consider the question why does the desire for independence have not yet led to an independent state? Why is Gibraltar still in alliance with the British royal crown? The research is devoted to Gibraltar and nationalism from the point of view of the Gibraltarians. Who are they? Do they see themselves as a nation? How do they justify their conviction? And are they satisfied with the existing constitutional order in Gibraltar? Using the theories of secession I conclude that the Gibraltar nation have developed to a distinctive nation. Autonomy granted to him permits decision-making in most areas. The Gibraltarians do not aspire to the independence and secession from the United...

Oran Milo Roberts was at the center of every important event in Texas between 1857 and 1883. He served on the state supreme court on three separate occasions, twice as chief justice. As president of the 1861 Secession Convention he was instrumental in leading Texas out of the Union. He then raised and commanded an infantry regiment in the Confederate Army. After the Civil War, Roberts was a delegate to the 1866 Constitutional Convention and was elected by the state legislature to the United States Senate, though Republicans in Congress refused to seat him. He served two terms as governor from 1879 to 1883. Despite being a major figure in Texas history, there are no published biographies of Roberts. This dissertation seeks to examine Roberts's place in Texas history and analyze the factors that drove him to seek power. It will also explore the major events in which he participated and determine his historical legacy to the state.

Sovereignty and self-determination are two principles accepted by UN in the UN Charter and resolutions. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the tensions between sovereignty and self-determination principles in the UN and to increase understanding of how these tensions might have led to ambiguity in UN policy toward the West Papua case. The thesis identifies that there are tensions between those two principles in the UN resolutions. The tensions cause ambiguity in the UN when they are involving in self-determination cases outside the classical colonial context. The argument will be strengthened by conducting a single case study analysis on West Papua self-determination claim. As one of the self-determination claims outside the classical colonial context, the UN role when being involved in the case is argued to be lack of response and ambiguous. It concludes that the ambiguity of the UN when involved in the West Papua self-determination claim is resulted from the tensions between sovereignty and self-determination principles in the UN resolutions.

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La présente thèse veut fonder le droit moral à faire sécession, en analysant le principe de souveraineté nationale, le concept de peuple, celui de nation et de nationalisme, pour arriver à considérer la sécession en tant que phénomène inévitable suivant la dissolution de l'Etat en tant que principe absolu, et en tant que conséquence parfois souhaitable dans les conflits inter-ethniques qui n'arrivent pas à être résolus. Notre point de vue ne sera pas celui de qui veut forcer une minorité ou un groupe à demeurer dans une situation de status quo, afin de ne pas déranger les équilibres politiques internationaux ou de ne pas trahir le principe de la souveraineté d’un État sur son territoire ou celui de la non-ingérence. Nous aurons plutôt à cœur d’établir la réalité des faits derrière le mouvement sécessionniste, pour garantir au peuple demandeur de sécession une impartialité de traitement et l’avènement de meilleures conditions de vie pour sa population. Nos considérations seront pragmatiques, réalistes, marginalisant les fondements de droit international comme le principe de non-ingérence et le respect de la souveraineté étatique ainsi que les considérations d’ordre politique et stratégique. <p><p>Ce qui nous intéresse est la fondation d’un droit moral qui puisse se révéler capital dans la résolution de conflits et crises interethniques, et qui puisse faciliter les prises de décisions dans les crises sécessionnistes – quand la sécession en cours sera justifiable – pour aboutir à la création d’un nouvel État pour des raisons biens fondées, raisons qui n’ont pas pu être accommodées à travers des instruments tels quels l’octroi de droits spéciaux, les tentatives de pacification, la cohabitation forcée, l’autonomie, le fédéralisme. <p><p>Les événements qui portent une minorité ou un groupe national à contempler une solution sécessionniste sont en général marqués par une tension politique plus ou moins forte, des problèmes d’ordre social ou économique, parfois des violations de droits collectifs ou, pire, des conflits armés, violence de masse, génocide. Ce n’est jamais, ou seulement dans de très rares cas, une situation de bien-être qui génère une demande d’indépendance, et ce sera donc avec une encore plus grande humanité et de sentiments d’impartialité et de bienveillance qu’on devra considérer la situation en question. <p><p>Le droit à faire sécession existe parce qu’il appartient à chaque peuple de pouvoir se donner l’organisation politique et juridique de son choix. La référence juridique ne tournera plus autour des droits de l’homme (les droits fondamentaux des individus) mais autour des droits des gens (les droits fondamentaux des peuples) :ce droit, dans lequel ont cru aussi des philosophes comme Walzer, Livingstone, Boykin et Sandel, est une priorité éthique très forte pour la communauté internationale. C’est un droit fondamental et inaliénable, et comme tel il appartient à la sphère de la praxis humaine qui a à faire avec le comportement social, l’organisation politique et l’action civile pour une meilleure survie anthropologique du groupe. <p><p>La norme qui devrait sanctionner la fondation du droit moral à faire sécession est l’application effective du droit des peuples à choisir librement leur organisation politique et à poursuivre leur développement économique, social et culturel. Cette norme est reconnue à l’article 1er du Pacte international sur les droits politiques et civils, et à l’article 55 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Mais notre interprétation est très utopiste et elle se place très loin de la pratique de la politique internationale, qui veut voir dans le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples la seule autodétermination politique des peuples avec un État national bien défini :ce magnifique droit collectif est ainsi réduit à la seule possibilité de choisir son régime politique par les élections.<p><p> / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States. / Captain, United States Air Force

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)" / En imposant une obligation constitutionnelle de négocier aux autres parties de la fédération, les juges de la Cour suprême dans le Renvoi sur la sécession rendent légitimes les aspirations des souverainistes québécois. Le processus menant à l'obligation constitutionnelle de négocier souffre toutefois d'imprécision et est à l'origine de la situation juridique contradictoire actuelle. La doctrine est divisée sur la signification des expressions «acteurs politiques», «question claire» et «majorité claire» et l'ambiguïté de ces expressions a permis aux partis politiques au pouvoir de justifier leur loi respective portant sur la sécession du Québec. Les deux lois en vigueur, la Loi sur les droits fondamentaux et la Loi sur la clarté, sont à des pôles opposés sur des sujets aussi importants que la formulation de la question et la majorité requise. Chacune des législatures a procédé unilatéralement sans se soucier de créer un cadre juridique cohérent. Les représentants élus devraient envisager la constitutionnalisation des règles menant à la sécession d'une province comme voie de solution pour régler l'impasse juridique actuelle. Le Canada ne serait pas le premier pays à prévoir de telles règles dans sa Constitution. / By imposing a constitutional obligation to negotiate to aIl parties of the federation, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Secession Reference legitimizes the aspirations of Quebec's sovereignist movement. However, the Supreme Court's ambiguity, in regards to the process leading up to the constitutional obligation to negotiate, is the cause of the current juridical debate. The doctrine is divided on the meaning of the expressions "political actors", "clear question" and "clear majority" and the lack of precision of these expressions allows the political parties in power to justify their respective laws on Quebec secession. The two laws in force, an Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Quebec people and the Quebec State and the Clarity Act, are at polar opposites on issues as important as the formulation of the question and the required majority. Both legislatures have proceeded unilaterally without any concem in creating a coherent juridical framework. Elected representatives should consider the constitutionalisation of the mIes leading to secession as a solution to solve the current juridical deadlock. Canada would not be the first country to provide such provisions in its Constitution.

The topic of this thesis is a comparation of separatist tendencies of Transnistria in Moldova with Abkhazia in Georgia in the post-Soviet space. From the point of view of separatism in these de facto government departments the focus of this work is not only on the current sate and development. Motives and historical traumas are shown and reflected in today's context because understanding of history is the key for present explanation. It seems that the situation in both areas is similar, but explanations and reasons for secession are in some points different. However, comparation and explanation of the different aspects of the development is the basis to understand the past, present and future state in Transnistria and Abkhazia not only in terms of separatism, but also locally-political, geo-political and socio- economic progress or stagnation. Key words: Moldova, Transnistira, Gruzia, Abkhazia, separatism, Russia, Soviet Union, soviet heritage, European Union, secession